DOWN IN 
PORTO RICO 



GEORGE MILTON 



I V^ > > L 



Down 
In Porto Rico 

BY 
GEORGE MILTON FOWLES 

REVISED EDITION 




NEW YORK: EATON & MAINS 
CINCINNATI: JENNINGS & GRAHAM 



.Ml 



Copyright, 1906, 1910, by 
EATON & MAINS 



/ 





CCU 2561 96 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Foreword. 

CHAPTER I. Physical and Historical Sketches. 

I. Physical Features. 

II. Historical Sketch. 

III. Who are the Porto Ricans ? 

CHAPTER II. The Homes of the People. 

I. Dwellings of the Poor. 

II. Houses of the Higher Classes 

CHAPTER III. Characteristics and Customs. 

I. Physical Characteristics. 

II. Mental Characteristics. 

III. Customs. 

IV. Amusements. 

CHAPTER IV. Education. 

I. Spanish Provisions. 

H. Under the United States Military 

Government. 
III. Under Civil Government. 



CHAPTER V. 



Morals and Religion. 

I. Moral Conditions. 

II. Catholicism. 

III. Protestantism 



CHAPTER VI. Industrial and Political Situation. 
I. Industrial Conditions. 
II. The Political Situation. 



It Table of Contents 

CHAPTER VII. Further Progress under American 
Administration. 

I. Education, Morals and Religion, 

Industrial and Political Con- 
ditions. 

II. President Taft's Message on 

Porto Rico. 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Harbor of San Juan Frontispiece. 

FACING PAGE 

Map of Porto Rico. 4 

Landscape Views 10 

Places of Historic Interest 18 

Dwellings of the Poor 24 

Residences of Higher Classes 34 

A Porto Rican Family 42 

Disposal of Dead 46 

Some Native Types 52 

Market Scenes 58 

Various Amusements 62 

Types of School Buildings 68 

The Lowest Classes 96 

Catholic Churches 114 

Representatives of Protestantism 122 

Industrial Scenes 126 

Patriotic Demonstrations 152 



FOREWORD 

This book is not a history of Porto Rico. 
It is intended to give a picture of Porto 
Rican life as it now exists. To do this it has 
been necessary to fill in an historical back- 
ground. The prominent figures, however, 
are the Porto Ricans of to-day. We spent 
a year on the Island studying their home 
life, their personal characteristics, their 
social, moral, and religious customs, their 
education, their economic condition, and 
their efforts at self-government. The writer 
has enjoyed the hospitality of a number of 
Porto Rican homes, has formed many warm 
friendships, and has faith in the ultimate 
success of the Porto Rican people. 

We have not written in a spirit of criti- 
cism, neither have we attempted to gloss over 
imperfections. There has been no attempt 
made to cover up the mistakes and short- 
comings of Porto Ricans, Spaniards, or 
Americans. Our one aim has been to paint 
the picture true to life. If this work suc- 
ceeds in giving its readers a clearer view of 
conditions "Down in Porto Rico," to the end 
that they may help to usher in a brighter 
day to these, our fellow-citizens, we shall 
feel that we have not labored in vain. 

G. M. F. 



CHAPTER I 

Physical and Historical Sketches 
i. physical features 

Porto Rico is the fourth in size and is the 
farthest eastward of the larger islands of 
the West Indies, standing at the gateway 
to the Caribbean Sea. It is situated be- 
tween 18° 30' and 17° 55' north latitude, 
and in longitude between 68° and 65° 10' 
west from Greenwich. In shape, Porto Rico 
is almost a rectangle, being about one hun- 
dred miles long and about thirty-six miles 
wide. 

The surface is exceedingly broken. With 
the exception of a small strip of level coast 
line, the Island consists of a series of hills 
and valleys. The highest point is in the 
northeastern part and is called El Yunque. 
This peak rises about 5,000 feet above the 
level of the sea. In a general way the range 
of hills extends from east to west through 
the center of the Island, but it is so broken 
that it can scarcely be called a continuous 
range. The valleys all have rivers which 
vary from tiny rivulets in the dry season to 
raging torrents during the rainy season. 



Surface 



Soil 



2 Down in Porto Kico 

The number of rivers vary from forty to 
sixty, according to the judgment of the geog- 
rapher in distinguishing between brooks 
and rivers, Much more rain falls on the 
northern side than on the southern side of 
the Island. The trade winds from the east 
bring moisture, which is precipitated on the 
northern portion of the Island, thus supply- 
ing rain nearly the whole year. On the 
southern side, there are months at a time 
when no rain falls and agriculture is carried 
on by means of irrigation. The Island, 
therefore, has a wet and dry side rather 
than a wet and dry season. 

The soil of Porto Eico, as a rule, is very 
productive, although in many places it has 
been cultivated so long without fertilization 
of any kind that it has become quite poor. 
The north side, owing to the abundance of 
rain, is well adapted for grazing and for 
raising crops that require much moisture; 
while the south side is especially favorable 
to the growth of sugar cane. One of the 
anomalous conditions that is observed here 
is the comparatively small areas that are 
under cultivation. With an immense popu- 
lation, it would be thought that agriculture 
would be carried on intensely as in the 



Physical and Historical Sketches 3 

crowded parts of Europe. Such, however, 
is not the case. Although every foot of land 
is tillable, there is less than one fourth 
under actual cultivation. Various reasons 
are given for this state of affairs. The chief 
ones advanced are as follows : that much of 
the land is owned by men who live in Spain ; 
that in Porto Kico there is an exceedingly 
small middle class ; that it is almost impos- 
sible for the farmer because of his poverty 
and the smallness of his wage to buy land to 
cultivate; that the banks hold heavy mort- 
gages on much of the property; that the 
roads are so bad as to render transportation 
difficult and very expensive; and that the 
markets on the Island are not large enough 
to demand additional produce, while com- 
merce with other countries is not sufficiently 
regular or profitable to allow the producer 
to depend upon it. These objections, how- 
ever, can all be overcome, and there is no 
good reason why with such fertility of soil, 
Porto Eico may not some day be a rich and 
profitable garden plot for the large Amer- 
ican cities of the Atlantic Coast. 

The coast of Porto Rico has numerous 
harbors, but none at present that are avail- Lina 
able for vessels of deep draught. San Juan, 



Coast 



4 Down in Porto Rico 

Guanica and Jobos are landlocked and are 
considered fine harbors for small vessels. 
Arecibo, Agnadilla, Mayaguez and Ponce 
are open roadsteads. These are the princi- 
pal harbors of Porto Rico, all of which are 
in need of improvement 

Near the coast of Porto Rico and belong- 

isianfs * n £ *° ^ are a num ^ er °f small islands of 
more or less importance. The island of Cu- 
lebra, lying to the eastward, is rocky and 
barren, but it has a magnificent harbor, 
capable of sheltering the largest war ves- 
sels. It seems to be the intention of the 
United States naval authorities to use this 
island as a coaling station and a harbor for 
vessels. 

The island of Vieques, situated southeast 
of Porto Rico, is quite fertile. It is about 
twenty-five miles long and seven miles wide. 
The southern portion of the island is given 
up largely to producing sugar, while in the 
northern part the raising of cattle is the 
chief industry. This little island supports 
a population of about 7,000 souls . 

There are also a number of smaller islands 
that belong to Porto Rico and are situated 
quite near its coast. At the entrance to 
San Juan harbor lies Goat Island, which is 



Physical and Historical Sketches 5 

used by the government for a leper colony. 
This has led to the suggestion that the other 
islands could be used by the government for 
prisons, asylums, and various public insti- 
tutions. 

The climate of Porto Eico is delightful. 
There is never any cold weather and very 
few hot days. The thermometer remains 
quite regularly between sixty-five and 
eighty-five degrees, but the average change 
from hottest to coldest is only six degrees. 
Every day the trade winds blow from the 
east and moderate the temperature. This 
sea breeze springs up late in the afternoon 
and lasts through the evening and into the 
night. It is delightfully refreshing and en- 
joyable, but it has a soothing rather than 
an invigorating effect upon persons. The 
nights are usually cool and very frequently 
rain falls. 

In the higher elevations the temperature 
is considered much cooler than along the 
coast, but nowhere is the heat unbearable. 
According to the United States Weather 
Bureau report, the lowest temperature of 
the day is usually between 5 and 6 A. m. 
It then rises until 10 a. m v when it remains 
stationary till about 2 p. m. It then falls 



Climate 



6 Down in Porto Rico 

gradually until 5 a. m. of the next day. 
The month of January has the lowest mean 
temperature, the month of August the high- 
est mean temperature, but May has the 
highest temperature of the year. At San 
Juan, the highest temperature recorded 
since the Weather Bureau was established 
was 94° in May, 1903, while the lowest was 
65° in March of the same year. 

The year is divided into the wet season 
and the dry season. The former includes 
the months from April to November, while 
the latter extends from December to March. 
The rainfall during the rainy season is 48 
to 49 inches, and during the dry season 10 
to 11 inches. At no season of the year are 
there many rainy days. In the afternoon 
or evenings, without much warning, the rain 
begins to fall heavily, but the shower is 
soon over. To the casual observer there is 
little difference in the weather between the 
dry season and the wet season. At no time 
of the year does the rain incommode him to 
any great extent. 

Most Americans, coming as they do from 

Fever farther north, find the climate of Porto Rico 

enervating. While they acknowledge the 

charms of this tropical atmosphere, they 



Physical and Historical Sketches 7 

soon long for the invigorating air of the 
North. Many persons during the time they 
are becoming acclimated in Porto Rico are 
subject to attacks of "dengue" fever, which 
is a sort of malaria known in the South as 
"break-bone" fever. The experiences of 
those who are thus afflicted are far from en- 
joyable, but happily the malady is neither 
fatal nor of protracted length. 

Porto Rico, like all other West India 
Islands, is subject to occasional hurricanes. 
These are destructive to life and property Hurri- 
and usually work great havoc. The last of oanes 
these storms occurred August 8, 1899. 
Over two thousand people lost their lives 
and the destruction to property was enor- 
mous. The towns of Ponce, Arroyo, Huma- 
cao and Yabucao suffered the most. The 
coffee plantations in the interior were 
ruined, the cane crops along the coast were 
destroyed, many sugar mills were blown 
down, fruit trees were uprooted, and, as a 
result of the storm, famine immediately fol- 
lowed. Had it not been for the prompt aid 
received from the United States, thousands 
of other lives would have been lost. These 
hurricanes, however, are not frequent. Dur- 
ing the 400 years of the recorded history 



8 Down in Porto Rico 

of Porto Rico, there have been six in the 
sixteenth century, one in the seventeenth 
century, two in the eighteenth century, and 
ten in the nineteenth century. 1 

II. Historical Sketches 
Porto Rico was discovered by Columbus 
on his second voyage, which left Cadiz Sep- 
tember 25, 1493. On the sixteenth of No- 
vember, the southeastern part of Porto Rico 
was sighted. The fleet sailed along the 
southern coast, then up the western shore, 
and on the nineteenth Columbus landed and 
planted the cross south of the present town 
of Aguadilla. This spot is now marked by a 
granite monument erected by the people in 
1893 on the 400th anniversary of the discov- 
ery of the Island. The granite is in the form 
of a cross and bears the following inscrip- 
tion : "1493, 19 de Noviembre, 1893." 
a cap- In 1505, Vicente Yanez Pinzon was ap- 
pointed Captain of the Island, and was au- 
thorized to build a fort there. Pinzon 
transferred his rights to Martin Garcia de 
Salazar, w T hile he himself sought larger 
fields of conquest on the continent. 

Explores In 1508 > Don Juan Pon0e de Le0n > wh ° 

the had been with Columbus when he landed 

at Porto Rico, then known as Boriquen, ob- 

1 Acosta'a Notes to Fray Inigo Abbad's History of Porto Rico. 



tain Ap 
pointed 



Physical and Historical Sketches 9 

tained permission from Commander Ovando 
of La Espanola, as Santo Domingo was 
then called, to take a party on an exploring 
trip to Boriquen, which Columbus had 
named San Juan Bautista. 

Ponce fitted out a vessel with a few 
followers and some Indians as guides and 
interpreters. He called at the island of 
Mona, which was then inhabited by Indians, 
and made friends with them. From here 
he sailed to the island of San Juan. Ponce 
and his men were well received by the 
natives, who entered into bonds of friend- 
ship with them. Ponce then requested the 
chief to show him where they found the 
yellow metal from which they made disks. 
An Indian pointed out the auriferous sands 
of several rivers, and Ponce took with him 
some samples of the gold found there. The 
exploring expedition continued until it 
came to the Bay of San Juan. Here Ponce 
left some of his companions to lay the foun- 
dations of a town, while he returned to La 
Espanola to report his voyage and test his 
samples of gold. The gold was not as fine 
as that found in La Espafiola, but it was 
still considered valuable. 



10 Down in Porto Rico 

The Ponce soon returned to San Juan, where 

Setae- ne assisted in building the town of Caparra 
ment on the bay facing the present site of the 
capital. This town retained its original site 
and name until 1521, when by royal order 
it was transferred to the present situation 
and the name changed to Porto Rico. Later 
the whole Island became known as Porto 
Rico and the town was called San Juan. 
Dieg Ponce was not . permitted to remain in 

Columbus control of San Juan for any great length of 
time. Diego Columbus claimed the right to 
rule the island by virtue of the discovery 
> made by his father. In this he was sus- 
tained by the King of Spain in 1511, and 
Ponce delivered his office to Juan Ceron and 
withdrew to his own residence in Caparra. 
Indian During the time Ponce was governor of 

San Juan, his followers scattered all 
through the island in search of gold. They 
compelled the Indians to wash the river 
sands for gold and proved themselves hard 
taskmasters. 

The Indians were further degraded and 
practically reduced to slavery by a system 
of "distribution" by which they were as- 
signed to the settlers in various numbers. 
The Indians resented this, but they still be- 




Landscape Views 
Military Road Near Guayama 
A River Scene 



Physical and Historical Sketches 11 

lieved that their oppressors were supernat- 
ural beings, and hence they were afraid to 
oppose them. They had this illusion dis- 
pelled in the following manner : One of their 
number volunteered to carry a young Span- 
iard across a stream. When they reached 
the deepest part, the native threw him into 
the water and held him down until he 
drowned. By this act they learned that the 
Spaniards were subject to death. This was 
a signal for a general rebellion which con- 
tinued until the death of the chief Guay- 
bana. Left without a leader, the Indians 
soon subsided into their former condition of 
servitude. 

In 1544, the King of Spain ordered the a Doomed 
Indians to be set free, but it was too late ■ — • 
the race had perished. The number of In- 
dians in Porto Eico when the Spaniards 
first arrived has been variously estimated 
from 16,000 to 600,000. When the Bishop 
of San Juan, in 1544, reported how many 
had been set free by royal proclamation, he 
said that the total number affected, includ- 
ing men, women and children, was sixty. 

With the rapid extinction of the Indians, Negroes 

Introduced 

the output of gold decreased until the 
settlers in desperation bought negroes on 



12 Down in Porto Rico 

credit in the hope of discovering new de- 
posits. In 1534 news came of the wonder- 
ful riches of Peru and Mexico, and the 
island was almost depopulated. The gov- 
ernor imposed the death penalty upon any 
one who should attempt to leave, but, not- 
withstanding threats and punishments, the 
inhabitants nearly all succeeded in getting 
away from the island, 
internal From this date until the close of the cen- 

Disorder 

tury, Porto Rico was in constant turmoil 
from foes within and without. The few 
Spaniards who remained quarreled about 
the forms of government. The negro slaves 
had in many instances withdrawn to the 
hills and forests from which they made in- 
cursions upon their old masters. 
Attacks In addition to these troubles, the island 
Without was * n a defenseless condition and was har- 
assed by pirates and privateers. In 1595, 
the English under Drake made an attack 
upon the island, but a Spanish fleet sent to 
convoy some merchantmen carrying gold to 
the King happened to be in the harbor of 
San Juan and compelled the English fleet 
to withdraw. Two years later the English 
under Lord Cumberland landed at what is 
now called Santurce and took possession of 



Physical and Historical Sketches 13 

the capital. Dysentery and yellow fever 
wrought such havoc among the troops that 
the English commander was obliged to leave 
the island. 

In 1625, a Dutch fleet of seventeen ves- 
sels appeared in the harbor of San Juan 
and took the city; but after a siege of one 
month, in which they failed to take the fort, 
they sailed away, having lost their general, 
one of their largest vessels, and four hun- 
dred men. 

During the rest of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, Porto Eico was at war with privateers, 
freebooters and pirates who infested the 
West Indies and preyed upon Spanish com- 
merce. England, France and Holland fur- 
nished most of these, and as Spain was at 
war with these nations at home and was be- 
ing defeated by them, she had not the force 
to spare for the defence of Porto Eico, and 
the islanders had to shift for themselves. 

In 1702, the English attacked Arecibo, 
but were forced to re-embark. In 1703, 
they landed in the neighborhood of San Ger- 
man, but were again compelled to return to 
their vessels. Other attacks were made by 
them in 1743 near Ponce, and in 1797, upon 
the capital, but they were not successful. 



14 Down in Porto Eico 

At this late date, the beginning of the 
nineteenth century, Porto Eico had a popu- 
lation of only 155,426. Owing largely to 
the smuggling custom then in vogue, these 
people were unable to pay the expenses of 
the government, and $100,000 annually had 
to be sent from Mexico to make up the defi- 
cit. 

In 1815, a royal proclamation was issued 
immigra- known as "Regulations for promoting the 
couraged population, commerce, industry and agri- 
culture of Puerto Rico." Foreigners were 
invited to the Island, rights of Spanish 
citizenship were promised them, land was 
granted them free of all expenses, they were 
to be exempt from export duties on their 
products and from import duties on agri- 
cultural implements, negro slaves could be 
brought into the country without restric- 
tion, and free trade between Spain and her 
possessions was to be in force for fifteen 
years. 

This decree attracted many colonists 
from the French and English Antilles. 
They came with capital, with slaves > with 
agricultural knowledge, and their influence 
in Porto Eico did much to improve eco- 
nomic conditions here. The population was 



Physical and Historical Sketches 15 

further increased by emigrants from Hayti, 
Santo Domingo, Venezuela and other places 
where war drove out many of the inhabit- 
ants who desired a land of peace. 

This order marked the beginning of a new y Con- 
life in Porto Rico. From the discovery of ditions 
the Island to 1778, immigration was re- 
stricted to Spaniards. At that date Cath- 
olic workmen of other nations were granted 
admittance, but in 1815 the doors were 
opened to all. This was restricted some- 
what the following year by requiring those 
who had not gained a residence to depart 
from the Island, but great good had already 
been accomplished by the large influx of 
foreigners. During the remainder of the 
nineteenth century there was a steady in- 
crease in population and comparatively 
little war. 

In 1825, a body of enthusiastic Colom- i a t e r 

bians, under Simon Bolivar, landed near Disturb - 
' 7 ances 

Aguadilla with the intention of helping the 
Porto Ricans to throw off the Spanish rule 
as they themselves had done. The people, 
however, did not respond to this army of 
liberation, and the Spaniards compelled 
them to withdraw and the enterprise was 
abandoned. The next disturbance was in 



16 Down in Porto Rico 

1868. About 800 men met at Lares and set 
up the Republic of Boriquen. After a few 
days of enthusiasm, the army of the Re- 
public dwindled to two or three hundred 
men who were finally put to flight by about 
a dozen militiamen. 
Emancipa- An event of importance occurred on 
slaves March -22, 1873. This was a decree by the 
Republican government of Spain giving 
freedom to all negro slaves in Porto Rico. 
By this proclamation, 34,000 persons were 
released from the bonds of slavery. 

The last fifteen years of Spanish rule 
in Porto Rico was characterized by many 
acts of persecution. Men of education who 
advocated liberal ideas were thrown into 
prison, or exiled, or tortured. Persons be- 
longing to secret societies whose purposes 
were supposed to be disloyal were arrested 
by the civil guard and subjected to severe 
tortures. Not only were suspected men 
maimed, but in many instances, they were 
killed by instruments of torture. 

In 1896, the government instituted more 
liberal laws in deference to public opinion 
of other nations, especially of the United 



Physical and Historical Sketches 17 

States. On November 25, 1897, a royal de- 
cree was signed granting autonomy to Porto 
Rico. 

Spain, however, was too late in introduc- 
ing her reforms. The Island was declared 
in a state of war by the governor-general 
on April 21, 1898, and on July 25, Porto 
Rico became a part of the United States. 

III. Who Are the Porto Ricans? 

When the Spaniards discovered Porto The Abor- 
Rico, they found the Island inhabited by a i8ines 
copper-colored race, who, in common with 
the natives of the other W T est Indies and of 
the continent, became known as Indians. 
While those of Porto Rico resembled the 
Indians of the continent in the color of the 
skin, in the prominent cheek bones, and in 
the long, coarse hair, they differed from 
them in many respects. The Indian of the 
continent was a large, raw-boned, warlike 
savage, who delighted in hunting and fight- 
ing. The Indian of Porto Rico was short 
in stature, stout, peaceful and indolent. He 
is described as having a flat nose, poor teeth, 
dull eyes, narrow forehead, and a skull ar- 
tificially fashi6ned into the shape of a cone. 
Most of his time was spent in a hammock 



18 Down in Porto Rico 

made from the bark of trees. Unlike the 
Indian of the North, he cared little for flesh 
foods and lived chiefly on vegetables. His 
place of abode was a hut built of sugar cane 
which had one opening only. Thus having 
a permanent hut instead of a movable wig- 
wam, he was more established in his resi- 
dence than the Indian of the continent. He 

Mixture 

of Span- was like him, however, in wearing very little 
Indian clothing, in painting his body, in decorating 
Blood hjg h a i r w ith feathers, in belonging to a 
tribe whose ruler was called the chief. 

These were the people that Ponce found 
when he came to explore the Island in 1508. 
Spanish blood began to mingle with Indian 
blood from the very first. Ponce won the 
friendship of the powerful chief Guaybana, 
and in order to strengthen this bond, he mar- 
ried the sister of the chief. His example 
was followed by many other Spaniards in 
those early days, since there were few Span- 
ish women in Porto Rico for many years 
a^a ° after this event. As a result, a new race 
Indian appeared, ethnologically known as Mestizos, 
the children of Spanish men and Indian 
women. 

In 1513, negro slavery was authorized 
and the slaves introduced were chiefly males. 




Places of Historic Interest 
El Morro at San Juan 
Ruins of Caparra 



Physical and Historical Sketches 19 

As the Indians were practically slaves also, stin 
and worked side by side with the negro, an- Another 

J Mixture 

other mixture of blood took place, and the 
Zambos, the children of negro men and In- 
dian women, appeared. 

When the negro women and later the 
white women came to the Island, a still 
further admixture took place. For the first ^ te 
three hundred years, however, there seem Popula- 
te have been comparatively few white 
women on the Island. 

The white population during this period 
consisted of government officials who rarely 
brought their families with them, the gov- 
ernment troops, convicts who had served 
their sentences in the forts, adventurers and 
pirates who were looking for wealth, and 
the merchants who controlled the commerce 
of the Island. It was not until the "Act of 
Grace" in 1815 brought emigrants and their 
families from the French and English An- 
tilles, and from Santo Domingo and Vene- 
zuela, that there began to be a permanent 
white element in the population. Since that 
date there has been some immigration, but 
as no official record has been kept, it is im- 
possible to find out how large the number 



20 Down in Porto Eico 

has been. The following statistics show that 
the large increase of population both by im- 
migration and natural increase has been 
made during the nineteenth century. They 
also show the relative percentages of white 
and colored persons, according to their own 
statements. 



Date 

1802 


Total Pop. 

163,192 


White 

78,281 


Colored 

84,911 


Percentage 
White Colored 

48 52 


1812 


183,014 


85,662 


97,352 


46.8 


53.2 


1820 


230,622 


102,432 


128,190 


44.4 


55.6 


1827 


302,672 


150,311 


162,361 


49.7 


50.3 


1880 


323,838 


162,311 


161,527 


50.1 


49.9 


1836 


357,086 


188,869 


168,217 


52.9 


47.1 


1860 


583,308 


300,406 


282,775 


51.5 


48.5 


1877 


731,648 


411,712 


319,936 


56.3 


43.7 


1887 


798,565 


474,933 


323,632 


59.5 


40.5 


1897 


980,911 


(^ 573,187 


317,724 


64.3 


35.7 


1899 


953,243 


589,426 


363,817 


61.8 


38.2 



From this it would seem that the white 
Popuia- population has been from 44.4 per cent to 
tlon 64.3 per cent of the whole population from 
the year 1802 to 1899. All through the his- 
tory of Porto Kico many white men married 
or brought up children with Creole or even 
black w^omen. The color line has been 






Physical and Historical Sketches 21 

largely disregarded. It is only reasonable 
to suppose that many persons of mixed 
blood have been classed as "whites" in the 
census. 

This view is reinforced by the results of 
an investigation into the white population 
of the present day. The census of 1899 
gives the whites 61.8 per cent of the whole Vt^lrZL 
population, yet one who passes through the 
Island and notices all the shades from white ^^^\ ™* 
to black, knows that this cannot be true. ^J U*-*>\ . 
There is evidently a minority of the inhab- 
itants who do not show traces of negro or ^.ajAaXj^ 
Indian blood. In an investigation which j^ow^^vvi 
the writer made in San Juan in the present 
year, 1901, of a number of white families 
considered among the best of the city, it was 
discovered that more than 60 per cent, had 
colored blood in their veins, yet in the cen- 
sus all were counted as whites. In convers- 
ing with prominent men who are well ac- 
quainted with the people in all parts of the 
Island, they have given estimates of the 
proportion of whites which range from 25 
per cent to 40 per cent. The census, no 
doubt, is true so far as it has recorded the 
answers of the people, but it must be re- 
membered that a Porto Rican must have 



22 Down in Porto Rico 

strong distinctive marks of negro ancestry 
before lie is willing to acknowledge that lie 
is not white. 

We believe that the present population is 
very largely an amalgamation of white, 
black and Indian blood. Mr. Salvador 
Brau seems to have a like opinion, for he 
states in his book, "Puerto Rico y su Histo- 
ria," that the Porto Ricans of to-day have 
inherited the following characteristics from 
their ancestors: "Indolence, taciturnity, so- 
briety, disinterestedness and hospitality 
from the Indian; physical endurance, sen- 
sualism and fatalism from the negro; and 
love of display, love of country, independ- 
ence, devotion, perseverance and chivalry 
from the Spaniard." 

The whites, therefore, of Porto Rico must 
be considered in an entirely different sense 
from European and North American whites. 
They represent a genus of their own, the 
Porto Rican whites. 



CHAPTER II. 

The Homes of the People 

i. dwellings of the poor 
In Porto Rico, as in the United States, 
there are great differences in modes of liv- 
ing, dependent upon the place of the home 
and the economic condition of the occu- 
pants. We shall discuss the homes under 
two heads: the homes of the poor and the 
homes of the higher classes. Among the 
poor, there is the life in the "patios" of the 
larger cities, in the shanties of the suburbs, 
in the smaller towns and villages, at the 
"haciendas" or plantations, and in the 
country. 

There are no great cities on the Island, 
only two, San Juan and Ponce, having a SanJuan 
population of over 30,000, and neither of 
these exceeds 45,000. In the minds of the 
Islanders, however, San Juan is a great 
metropolis, and they speak of "La Capital" 
in much the same way as Americans refer to 
New York. San Juan has always been as it 
is now, the chief commercial port. The fre- 
quent attacks upon it by pirates and by hos- 



24 Down in Porto Rico 

tile powers at war with Spain early de- 
manded fortifications. In 1533, the con- 
struction of El Morro was begun in order 
to guard the entrance into the harbor. In 
1630 was begun the wall which completely 
enclosed the city. Early in the eighteenth 
century, the construction of San Cristobal 
was begun to guard the city on the landward 
side. 

The islet of San Juan is almost three 
miles long and one half mile wide, but less 
than one-third of this area lies w 7 ithin the 
city walls. This has compelled the inhab- 
Narrow itants to live in crowded quarters. There 
^y are probably not a dozen detached houses 
in the city. The buildings are all con- 
structed of brick and stone covered with 
plaster or cement. On the principal streets 
most of these are two stories high, with an 
occasional three-story house, and perhaps a 
half dozen that are four stories high. On 
the less important streets, the one-story type 
prevails. The whole city is a solid mass of 
masonry. There are no vacant lots or 
breathing places and no back yards. The 
two chief plazas or squares of the city are 
the Plaza Baldorioty at the center of the 



The Homes of the People 25 

city, and the Plaza Colon on the eastern 
side, adjoining San Cristobal. These are 
both quite small and are cemented. 

To give an idea of home life in this city, 
it is necessary to describe a typical two- cai House 
story house. On the second floor, the large 
front room, usually extending the full 
width of the house, is the parlor, which has 
the only outside openings of the building. 
These are called windows, but in reality 
they are double doors with full-length shut- 
ters. There is no such thing as glass win- 
dows in Porto Rico, except a few that have 
been introduced by Americans. Adjoining 
the parlor are one or two bedchambers and 
a dining-room into which the stairs lead. 
The width of the house from the dining- 
room to the kitchen at the rear is about 
equally divided between an inner court or 
"patio" and bedrooms. The hallway is a 
corridor outside the wall, overlooking the 
court, and is either entirely open on this 
side or has lattice work to protect it. The 
kitchen and a small room leading into it oc- 
cupy the same relative position at the rear 
of the court as the dining-room and bed- 
rooms do at the front of it. As there are no 
spaces between buildings, the rear of the 



26 Down in Porto Kico 

house touches the rear of the one adjoin- 
ing, and thus prevents either light or ven- 
tilation from that direction. The only open- 
ings to any of these rooms are the large 
double doors which open into the court. 
When these are closed, the inmates have 
neither light nor ventilation, except, as in 
some cases, a door opens into the adjoining 
room, or a little pane of glass has been built 
in the flat roof and furnishes a few rays of 
light. 

The general plan of a house is an oblong 
from thirty to forty feet wide and from 125 
to 150 feet deep, with a court about one half 
the width and two thirds the length cut out 
of one side. 
Life in The plan of the lower floor is similar to 
that of the upper except when it is used as 
stores. Then the space as far back as the 
court or "patio" is used as a store, and the 
rooms opening into the court are rented to 
families. In these "patios" we find filth 
and poverty that cannot be described. Each 
of the small dark rooms, with no opening 
except a door, and that admitting only the 
foul air of an overcrowded and dirty court, 
is the home of a family sometimes number- 
ing a dozen persons. There is little or no 



The Homes of the People 27 

furniture in the room. Where they all sleep 
is a problem! In some of the rooms there 
is a tier of berths along the side, but in 
many cases the children sleep on the bare 
floor, disputing this space with rats, roaches 
and fleas. There is no need for a table, be- 
cause they have no regular time for meals. 
They eat when they feel like it if they are 
able to procure food, otherwise they go 
hungry. Almost any hour of the day you 
can see adults and children chewing a piece 
of dry bread, or a stick of sugar cane, or 
eating fruit in a more or less advanced state 
of decay. If they should want a fire to 
warm water or prepare food, they buy a few 
cents' worth of charcoal, put it into one of 
the rectangular oil cans that have become 
such a universal utility article throughout 
the Island, place a kettle upon the coals, 
and the kitchen is complete. It is hardly 
necessary to state that these improvised 
stoves are not in the rooms, but in the 
"patio." 

A view of these "patios" gives impressions 
that cannot be forgotten. An inner court 
perhaps forty or fifty feet long and fifteen 
or twenty feet wide ; several lines filled with 
clothes that have just been hung up to dry 



28 Down in Porto Rico 

and incidentally to limit the light and air 
of the enclosed yard; a number of dirty, 
naked babies of all ages up to six or seven 
years; lazy men sitting against the side of 
the house, asleep or talking to their neigh- 
bors; women with but a single garment on, 
and that very filthy, either washing or cook- 
ing, or sitting on the ground, and like the 
men gossiping and smoking some cigar 
stumps they have picked up in the streets ; 
boys and girls with scarcely enough cloth- 
ing to cover their nakedness running er- 
rands, quarreling among themselves, and 
following quickly in the footsteps of their 
parents in helping to increase the popula- 
tion of the Island; .odors of all kinds, the 
garlic and onions of the cook, the tobacco 
fumes from the smokers, the fetid atmos- 
phere caused by the filth strewed about on 
the ground, and the exhaustion of the oxy- 
gen caused by the many inhabitants, are 
merely suggestions of the unsanitary condi- 
tion of the homes, of the squalor, filth and 
abject poverty of the thousands who live in 
the "patios" of the city. 

We pass from the city to the suburbs. 

shanties Near San Juan there is a stretch of marshy 

land facing the bay. Here are built several 



Suburban 



The Homes of the People 29 

large villages composed entirely of shanties 
placed close to each other. The frame work 
of these dwellings is square timber when it 
can be obtained, but more often poles an- 
swer the purpose. The siding is varied ac- 
cording to the ability of the owner to secure 
materials. Occasionally it is all made of 
new lumber. Oftener it is made up of old 
boards that have been picked up, store boxes 
that have been taken apart, tin cans that 
have been straightened out, advertising 
signs of either tin or wood, and, in many 
cases, the bark of the palm tree or the leaves 
of the sugar cane are used. For a roof, dis- 
carded pieces of corrugated iron or tin or 
boards are made to do service, but fre- 
quently thatch is used. When the ground is 
marshy, the buildings are elevated on posts 
and a floor is built as rapidly as boards 
enough can be secured for that purpose. 

These shanties have usually one or two 
rooms. When there are two, the partition 
is very often made of canvas or some other 
cheap material. In the front room, the 
chief article of furniture is a hammock, in 
which the man of the house spends much of 
his time. Children abound, and the little 
naked youngsters are everywhere in evi- 



30 Down in Porto Rico 

dence. The kitchen is the same open-air- 
charcoal-oil-can arrangement that has been 
previously noted. Many of the women earn 
money by washing for persons in the city, 
and almost any hour of the day they can be 
seen going to and from the city with their 
bundle of clothes carefully poised on the 
head. 

Life in the shanties is in some respects 
an improvement over that in the "patio." 
Here they have at least the fresh air from 
the sea. This is indicated by the very sug- 
gestive name of one village, "The North 
Pole." On the other hand, they live in 
these marshes, where there is no drainage 
and no sewers. All the filth and excrements 
mingle with the marshy soil which sends 
forth its poisonous gases to be inhaled by 
the people. The name of another of these 
villages, "Venice," gives a strong sugges- 
tion of its watery surroundings. 

The conditions that obtain among the 
poor of the "patios," and of these conglom- 
erate shanties of the marsh, are more local 
than general in their character, and are 
found chiefly in San Juan and vicinity. 
Our further description of the homes will 



The Homes of the People 31 

apply almost equally well to all the other 
towns and villages of the Island. 

The general plan of the Porto Bican town 
is a central plaza, facing which the Catholic Life 
Church is the most imposing structure. 
The public buildings, if there are any, are 
on this square, and the chief stores and 
hotels are here also. Away from the plaza 
and its immediate vicinity, nearly all the 
houses are detached. While in every town 
there are many comfortable and a few 
elegant houses, the great majority are cheap, 
little cottages and tumble-down shacks. In 
many of the villages, the Catholic Church 
is the only substantial building to be seen, 
the rest being little wooden structures or 
thatched cottages. These houses are built 
in very much the same way as those de- 
scribed before. The materials used are sel- 
dom new, and the completed dwelling, with 
its leaky roof, uneven floor and scanty fur- 
niture, is far from attractive or comfort- 
able. It would seem, however, that life 
among the poor of the smaller towns and 
villages is not attended by so many disad- 
vantages and distressing conditions as are 
found among those of the larger cities. 



32 Down in Porto Rico 

At a few of the large plantations, the lot 
of the poor is hard. They are not much 
thfpian- De tter than slaves. The owner or some of 
tations hi s Mends or relatives keep a store where 
prices are high and quality poor, but by 
force of circumstances the employee must 
buy his goods there. He is usually in debt, 
and the employer's coupons are good only 
at the store. For this reason, he is unable 
to release himself from his bondage. At 
some of these estates, the people are herded 
together like cattle. A long, narrow, shed- 
like building is constructed, divided into 
small rooms, each of which is rented to a 
family. These people are perhaps among 
the most unhappy of the Island, for while 
their poverty may not be so severe, they feel 
themselves in the hands of a master. 
shacks The homes of the poor peasants are much 
the same all through the country. The 
houses are built of poles for the frame, palm 
bark or leaves of the sugar cane for the 
sides, and the roof made of thatch from the 
sugar cane. Sometimes they rest upon 
posts two or three feet from the ground, but 
often are built upon the ground so that no 
floor other than the earth is needed. This 
usually contains but one or two rooms — a 



The Homes of the People 33 

bedroom and a sitting-room. In the sitting- 
room is the ever popular hammock. Fre- 
quently a box or two does duty as chairs, 
but usually when the inmates want to sit 
down, they use the floor. The bedroom 
sometimes contains a platform which serves 
as a bed for the whole family. 

The peasant and his family live out of 
doors most of the time, and while they are 
extremely poor, they do not suffer much 
from actual hunger. The constant vege- 
table diet, however, has the effect of weaken- 
ing the system and causing much ill-health. 
The annual expense for clothing the family 
is very light. The children need absolutely 
nothing till they are seven or eight years 
old. None of the family wear shoes. They 
make their own hats, and all that needs to 
be bought is a little cotton cloth to cover 
the nakedness of the older members of the 
family. 

This, in brief, is a description of the 
homes of the poorer classes of Porto Ricans, 
as seen in city, suburb, plantation, village 
and country. And in these homes are found 
about three fourths of the entire population 
of the Island. 



34 Down in Porto Bico 

II. Houses of the Higher Classes 
The Parlor In San Juan few of the houses are de- 
tached. The front walls come out flush with 
the sidewalk and form a continuous wall 
from street to street. On the second floor 
a narrow balcony is built out over the side- 
walk, which is rarely ever more than four 
feet wide. On the first floor the lower part 
of the windows, which extend to the floor, 
have an iron railing to protect the parlor 
from the street. The whole room, however, 
is exposed to the gaze of the passers-by 
when the shutters are open, which is of ne- 
cessity most of the time, to admit light and 
air. 

The higher class people occupy the second 
floors, and in some cases, they are found on 
the first floor, but this is not the rule. En- 
tering one of these homes, we find that the 
material used for flooring is usually tiling 
for the parlor, dining-room and kitchen, 
wood for the bedrooms, and cement or tiling 
for the halls. 

The parlor is the chief room of the house. 
This is used quite generally as the living- 
room of the family, and most of the furni- 
ture of the house is found here. Portieres 
commonly hang before each door and win- 




Residences of the Higher Class 
Interior of a San Juan Home 
A Suburban House 



The Homes of the People 35 

dow of the parlor. There seems to be a uni- 
form mode of arrangement of parlor furni- 
ture in all these homes. A center table with 
a marble top is found in the middle of the 
room. On either side of this table, and 
facing it, are several large armchairs and 
rocking chairs. Close against the four sides 
of the room, the small chairs and the sofa 
are placed. All these have cane backs and 
bottoms. The furniture is either carved ma- 
hogany, which has been brought from Spain, 
or a style of bent wood painted black, which 
has been imported from Austria, or the 
cheaper woods which are also painted black, 
this being the popular color for furniture. 
Sometimes there are corner pieces, and also 
large mirrors in finely wrought frames, or 
little carved tables with marble tops made 
to set against the wall. The whole arrange- 
ment is in lines running parallel or at right 
angles to each other. The large number of 
chairs, and the stiff conventional manner of 
arranging them, are the most striking fea- 
tures of a Porto Eican parlor. 

The ample dining-room contains the table, 

The Dining 

the chairs, and a large sideboard to hold the Boom 
numerous dishes used at dinner time. The 



The Bed 
Booms 



36 Down in Porto Kico 

different meals are about the same as on the 
continent of Europe. Bread and coffee in 
the morning, meat breakfast between eleven 
and twelve, and dinner about six or seven in 
the evening. Dinner is the one full meal of 
the day. It has quite an elaborate menu 
which is served in courses. Soup, fritters, 
two or three kinds of meat, rice, red beans, 
salads, dessert, fruit, coffee and wine is an 
average dinner. There is no fixed order in 
the serving of the courses so that one is not 
sure what article of food comes next. Most 
of the food is quite greasy and is strongly 
flavored with onions and garlic. There is a 
marked sameness in the bill of fare week 
after week. The food seems to be wholesome 
and indigestion is not a common complaint. 
At the close of the meal, the male members 
of the family light their cigarettes or cigars, 
while all remain around the table and join 
in conversation. The use of tobacco, which 
is quite general among the poorer classes of 
women, is not indulged in to any great ex- 
tent by those of the better classes. 

Passing from the dining-room to the bed- 
rooms, we find in each of them a high iron 
bedstead with a mosquito netting across the 



The Homes of the People 37 

top. This is tucked up through the day and 
let down at night. The coverings of the bed 
are the sheets and a counterpane. The 
sleeper rests either upon a canvas stretched 
across the bedstead, or upon a wire mattress 
with a covering not sufficiently thick to pre- 
vent the wires from leaving an impression 
upon the body. Carpets are practically un- 
known in Porto Eico, but a small rug usu- 
ally lies in front of the bed. There is a 
mahogany wardrobe, which takes the place 
of closets, which are not used here, and a 
dresser, which adds much to the appearance 
and comfort of the room. There is also a 
small table upon which rests some religious 
emblem, as the image of the Virgin Mary 
or the crucifix. The only means of venti- 
lation in these rooms is the door, and this is 
frequently kept closed during the night for 
the Porto Eican is afraid of a draught, and 
especially so of the night air. 

In the kitchen, the most interesting fea- 
ture is the great tile construction which ex- 
tends across the side of the room and is 
used for cooking purposes. It is about three 
feet high, and two or three feet wide. In the 
top of it are a number of square holes into 
which gratings fit to hold the charcoal used 



The Kitchen 



38 Down in Porto Rico 

in cooking. The number of these holes 
makes it possible for the cook to prepare 
several dishes at the same time. Extending 
over the entire range, in the form of an in- 
verted funnel divided perpendicularly, is the 
large flue or chimney to conduct the heat of 
the fire and the odors from the cooking 
food to the air above. 

The bath and toilet rooms are modern 
innovations that have come with the water 
works and sewers. The use of them is still 
Boom comparatively limited, and there is much 

room for improvement in this direction. The 
old bath tubs were made after the Roman 
style. Huge vessels built of brick, cemented 
inside and covered with tile on the outside, 
or in some cases they were hewn out of 
marble. The modern porcelain tub is the 
one now being installed. 

The homes of the well-to-do classes in the 
small towns and in the country are similar 
side of the" to the one just described, in their furnish- 
Clty ings and the arrangement of them. They 

differ largely, however, in the construction 
and general appearance of the houses. Some 
are built of brick and cemented outside and 
inside, but more are wooden structures with 
light board partitions between the rooms, 



The Homes of the People 39 

and all the walls painted. In the case of the 
brick buildings, the more important par- 
titions are built of brick, and the others are 
of plaster. All of these partitions are given 
a lime wash. Wall paper is little used. 

The houses are one or two stories high, a 
balcony in front which is sometimes built 
around the side, large window openings ex- 
tending to the floor and closed by double 
shutters. There are no glass windows. 
Sometimes a pane of glass is found built in 
the roof, or placed at the top of a shutter, 
or over a door, but such cases are rare. 

Where there is room, the yard in front of 
the house is divided into flower beds in 
which grow large tropical bushes which 
either by their variegated foliage or the 
abundance of their flowers, give a most 
pleasing effect to the appearance of the 
home. While there are quite a number of 
these houses scattered throughout the Is- 
land, they are remarkably few for so large 
a population. Perhaps the principal reason 
why there are so few elegant residences is 
the fact that most of the wealth has always 
been in the hands of the Spaniards, and they 
have regarded Porto Rico as a place to make 
money and afterward to spend it in Spain. 



40 Down in Porto Eico 

The few Porto Eieans who became wealthy 
also thought of Spain or France as a place 
to seek pleasure rather than to spend their 
money in beautifying their homes on the 
Island. Thus the money secured here has 
been spent largely in Europe, while Porto 
Eico has been regarded as a place for tempo- 
rary residence. 



CHAPTER III 

Characteristics and Customs 
i. physical characteristics 

The modern Porto Ricans are short in 
stature, slender in figure, graceful in mo- 
tion, animated in conversation, quick in 
action, and, with the exception of the pure 
whites and the pure blacks, they are brown- 
skinned, due to the mixture of white, negro 
and Indian blood. 

The color of the hair is black, and varies character- 
from straight to kinky, according to the lstics 
amount of negro blood in the veins. 

The teeth are exceedingly poor. Whether 
this is due to the chewing of cane, the acids 
of the fruits, the eating of sweets, the exces- 
sive use of tobacco, the results of immorality 
or the inheritance of generations of ances- 
tors likewise affected, cannot be definitely 
stated. The lack of good teeth is almost 
universal. Among the higher classes, this 
defect is remedied to some extent by the 
skill of the dentist, but large numbers of the 
people have the front teeth out, or a stray 
tooth perhaps left, or several incisors or 

41 



42 



Down in Porto Rico 



Lack of 

Nourishing 

Food 



Physical 
Disability 



canines in a bad state of decay. The ab- 
sence of front teeth or the poor condition 
of the ones remaining is the most disfigur- 
ing feature of the average Porto Rican. 

Being small in body, neither men nor 
women have much muscular strength, but 
when they are so inclined, or when occasion 
demands it, they have considerable power 
of endurance. The lack of nourishing food 
is largely responsible for this weakened con- 
dition of the body. The peasant lives on 
rice and salt fish chiefly and rarely tastes 
fresh meat of any kind. In thousands of 
cases the only time he has fresh meat is at 
Christmas when he roasts the little razor- 
backed pig that has been raised for this 
occasion. Add to this fact the unsanitary 
condition of living, and it can be readily 
understood why the country people have so 
much sickness among them. 

In an article on anaemia, written in the 
spring of 1904, Dr. Stahl, a well-known 
Porto Rican physician, makes this state- 
ment: 

"Out of the million inhabitants of Porto 
Rico, it is calculated that at least three 
fourths live in the country and that more 
than 95 per cent, of these are sick with Un- 




A Porto Rican Family 



Characteristics and Customs 43 

cinariasis. Out of the remaining 250,000 
found in the cities and larger towns nearly 
half that number, constituting the poor of 
the suburbs and by-streets, also suffer from 
this disease. In short, more than 800,000 
inhabitants of Porto Rico are suffering from 
so terrible a plague, and its consequences 
are more or less manifest and disastrous. 

"In the country districts, I except only the 
children at the breast; among the adults 
we can hardly find one free from infection. 
In the colored man, the deeper his color the 
less exposed is he to contract the infection 
and the infection does not attack his organ- 
ism with such intensity as it does with the 
white man. 

"Let us admit that of the 800,000 infected, 
half are light cases for some reason or other ; 
there are left 400,000 ansemics that cannot 
conscientiously be considered light cases. 
Of these, one half, 200,000 are included in 
that circle in which 100,000 can be con- 
sidered grave cases and 50,000 very grave, 
really helplessly ill, incapacitated from all 
kind of physical and mental labor. These 
not being able to work and earn their bread, 
and their near relatives lacking the means 
of sustaining them, dedicate themselves to 



44 Down in Porto Rico 

begging, and at times even this work is too 
great for their strength and they die worn 
out by their disease and their hunger." 

The government has taken this matter 
in hand and is making an investigation of 
the conditions that exist here. An anaemic 
camp was established at Bayamon and later 
removed to Utuado. Dr. Ashford of the 
United States Navy has charge of this camp, 
and the results of this investigation are not 
yet known. While visiting Utuado in July 
of 1904, I learned that about four thousand 
patients were being treated weekly. With 
the introduction of sanitary measures, the 
knowledge of how to cure the prevalent dis- 
eases, the teaching of physiology and hy- 
giene in the public schools, there will un- 
doubtedly follow a better state of health. 
Diseases Another cause of physical debility is 
found in the widespread immorality of the 
people. Veneral diseases are exceedingly 
common. 

A physician of San Juan told me that in 
his large practice, he was surprised to dis- 
cover how many persons were suffering as a 
result of either their own or their parents' 
immoral acts. This is seen in the many 
forms of skin diseases that are so prevalent 



Characteristics and Customs 45 

here. The faces of many are marred by 
eruptions and irritations that point to an- 
cestral excesses. We refer to this phase of 
life at this point because of its physical re- 
sults ; in a later chapter, we shall deal more 
fully with the question in considering moral 
conditions. 

Another cause that acts disastrously upon Eum and 
the physical life of the Porto Eican is the Tobacco 
constant and almost universal use of rum 
and tobacco. The boys, and sometimes the 
girls, learn to use tobacco at an early age. 
As tobacco is grown here and is easily pro- 
cured, the use of it is quite general among 
the men and boys of all classes, and among 
the women of the lower classes. This has 
the effect of impeding the growth and pre- 
venting a full physical development. The 
use of rum is widespread also. While com- 
paratively few drink to the point of intoxi- 
cation, there is a constant tippling that is 
injurious to the system. Many times it is 
used to destroy the pangs of hunger. The 
poor very often find it easier to get a little 
tobacco and rum than to secure a good, 
nourishing meal. 

We would ascribe, therefore, as the cause 



46 Down in Porto Eico 

of much of the physical debility that is so 
prevalent among the Porto Eicans, to lack 
of proper food, unsanitary modes of living, 
results of immorality, and the widespread 
use of tobacco and rum. 

II. Mental Characteristics 
The Porto Eicans being chiefly of Spanish 
descent or having been closely associated 
with Spaniards, have many of the general 
characteristics of the Latin race. 

They are impulsive, excitable, talkative, 
demonstrative. On the streets, in the stores, 
in the homes, they talk in loud tones accom- 
panied by many varied and suggestive ges- 
ticulations. The movements of the hands 
and arms, the expression of the countenance, 
the positions of the body, the inimitable 
shrug of the shoulders, enable the listener 
to understand much of the conversation 
without hearing a word. With their natur- 
ally excitable nature, it is almost impossible 
for them to wait until one person finishes 
speaking, but several, and sometimes the 
whole company, are talking at once. 

In the plazas where they gather in groups 
of two or more, instead of a quiet friendly 
conversation, you soon hear every group 




Disposal of the Dead 
A Funeral Procession 
Bone Heap in San Juan Cemetery 



Characteristics and Customs 47 

talking in high and loud tones, so that the 
plaza usually sounds like a school yard 
where the children have just been given a 
recess. The habit of giving immediate ex- 
pression to their thoughts has become so 
fixed that frequently one hears persons as 
they walk along the streets talking aloud to 
themselves. 

In public speech, the orator is usually 
verbose. The Spanish language is rich in verbose 
adjectives, and there are a number of ways 
in which the speaker can express the same 
thought in different words, most of which 
he feels obliged to use. Thus an orator is 
enabled to pronounce a great many words in 
an address without the necessity of furnish- 
ing many ideas. 

The Porto Kican is extremely fond of the Fond of 
spectacular. This is manifested in the s P ectacular 
gaudy wearing-apparel of all classes, in the 
decorations and processions of the religious 
feasts, and in the carnival, which lasts about 
ten days. 

As a people, they are pleasure-loving, 
light-hearted, without care, and without £J^^ e 
any adequate idea of responsibility. This 
perhaps is due in large measure to their 
training. During Spanish rule, government 



48 Down in Porto Kico 

positions and almost all the commerce of 
the Island were in the hands of the Span- 
iards.! The Porto Rican had no need of de- 
veloping either powers for governing or for 
looking after important interests. All that 
was expected of him was to be obedient and 
respectful. Thus by generations of training, 
they have become as light-hearted and irre- 
sponsible as a set of children. 
* Notwithstanding this simplicity of mind, 
Self Confident ^ e p or to Rican has a sublime confidence 
in himself. He thinks he can do things as 
well as any man living. Ask a carpenter if 
he can do a certain piece of work for you, 
and he is ready to begin without even wait- 
ing for your description; a young man or 
a young woman with scarcely an elementary 
education wants a certificate to teach. A 
native preacher can be called upon to preach 
a sermon without a moment's notification. 
The newly-fledged politicians want either 
independence or statehood at once — they 
know more about government than any of 
the United States officials. It makes no 
difference what class you approach, you 
find this same satisfaction and confidence 
in their own ability. 

It need hardly be added that results do 



Characteristics and Customs 49 

not measure up to their high professions. 
Workmen as a rule perform their tasks in 
a most slipshod, careless manner. The car- 
penter mutilates the wood, the painter 
splashes paint over everything in the vicin- 
ity of his brush, the butcher tears and 
slashes the meat without regard to order, 
the coachman ties his harness up with ropes, 
the house-servant requires the constant pres- 
ence of the mistress of the house to prevent 
covering up, instead of cleaning out the 
dust, the teacher and preacher are prone to 
draw upon their imaginations more than 
upon definite information, and the politi- 
cian, if he cannot have his way, either re- 
signs his position or sulks, refusing to take 
any part in the deliberations of the body of 
which he is a member. 

The Porto Rican is by nature and training 
of an uncompromising temperament. This Y??J!? r0 ' 
is especially manifest in his politics. There 
are numerous fights and riots during polit- 
ical campaigns and at election times. Al- 
though peaceable by nature, he cannot toler- 
ate an opinion differing from his own, and 
blood flows freely in the pre-election con- 
tests. They have not yet learned to submit 
gracefully to majority rule. 



mising- 



50 Down in Porto Rico 

Apt scholars Under proper instruction, it has been 
shown that the Porto Ricans are apt schol- 
ars. The carpenter soon learns to do his 
work with precision and skill. Order and 
neatness rapidly take the place of disorder 
and carelessness. If the people could only 
be brought to see their need of instruction 
instead of having such a high estimate of 
their own abilities, progress would be made 
much more rapidly. 

The people of the Island seem to be fond 
of music, but their ideas of it are most primi- 
M gicaU tive. The cpmmon people have a gourdlike 
inclined . instrument with a number of horizontal in- 
dentures over which they draw a stick rap- 
idly. This is called the "juiro" (pronounced 
"weero" or "witcherow" ) , and is used to 
accompany the guitar, tambourine or violin. 
.The piano is used to a limited extent among 
[the better classes, but their use is not such 
as to arouse the enthusiasm of a musician. 
,The instruments are chiefly of inferior 
make, and owing to the climatic conditions, 
the wires become rusty, and the tones pro- 
duced are decidedly "tin-panny." These are 
played with but little expression, the idea 
seemingly being to make as loud a sound as 
possible. Some of the brass bands that play 



Characteristics and Customs 51 

in the plazas of the larger towns produce 
fairly good music, but others of them are 
simply nerve-racking. Much that passes 
under the name of music could more prop- 
erly be called noise, but where Porto Ricans 
have had opportunity for study and develop- 
ment, they have proved that musical ability 
is not wanting among them. In singing, 
they have commendable enthusiasm. Their 
voices are often shrill and harsh, lacking 
sweetness or soul power. This no doubt is 
due largely to their lack of training and 
practice. The church music in which they 
took part was limited to the chants of the 
Catholic Church. Secular songs were scarce 
and only the rudest kind were sung by any 
great number of the inhabitants. Since the 
introduction of gospel hymns by the Protes- 
tants, and the songs of the public schools, 
and greater facilities for the study of music, 
there has been a wonderful improvement in 
this respect, and all over the Island one can 
now hear the cheerful songs learned in 
school and church and from special in- 
structors. 

The Porto Ricans have not yet learned the i^bor Not 
dignity of labor. Their ideas, probably de- lgm 8 
rived from the Spaniards, lead them to 



52 Down in Porto Rico 

disdain the appearance of work. The gentle- 
man and the lady do not work themselves — 
they merely direct their servants. To carry 
a package on the street is indicative of either 
poverty or lack of breeding. A family must 
be very poor if they cannot afford several 
servants. To do any kind of housework 
cannot be considered by the lady of the 
house. She sits in the parlor dressed in 
loose garments and spends much of the day 
in idly rocking to and fro in a rocking-chair. 
.When she goes out shopping, she is either 
accompanied by a servant who carries her 
small purchases, or she hires a boy to carry 
them for her. If she is so poor that she 
must do some kind of work, this fact must 
be carefully concealed from her neighbors. 
A woman in good social standing is not 
expected to do any work that can be done 
by a servant. 

Among the men there is the same con- 
tempt for manual labor. The merchants 
must of necessity be busy men, but they are 
very careful not to degrade themselves by 
doing any kind of common labor. They ob- 
ject to performing work that can be done by 
an employee. Business men do not carry 
bundles home at night. They seldom lend a 




Some Native Types 
"Lavenderas" or Washerwomen 
Group of Colored Children 



Characteristics and Customs 53 

hand when some little mishap occurs, or 
when repairs are needed. They are gentle- 
men, and menial tasks are for common work- 
men. The same spirit is shown among the 
tradesmen. When a plumber is sent for, he 
usually comes accompanied by his man. 
His business is to tell the man what to do, 
while he himself stands by and watches him. 
The farmer does not go out to work upon 
his farm. He mounts a horse and rides 
around telling his laborers what work must 
be done. Ask a common laborer to carry 
your hand-baggage to the boat or to the 
station, and very likely he will come at the 
appointed hour with a colored boy whom he 
orders to take up the load and carry it while 
he himself receives the money and walks 
by the side of the boy. From the highest 
to the lowest classes this false notion con- 
cerning labor is found. It is a heritage of 
slavery and peonage and ought to have no 
place among a democratic people. 

The Porto Eican is an inveterate gambler. 
The rich planter will play cards until he TheGamb- 
loses the profits of a whole year and then mff 
will sometimes mortgage his land. The lei- 
sure hours of the middle class are given up 
to the same practice. The poor will throw 



54 Down in Porto Rico 

dice for their last penny and will then go 
hungry. The cockfights call forth the high- 
est bets within reach of the spectators. 
When the Catholic Church has special need 
for money, it gets up some sort of a raffle. 
Boys apply the same principle in selling 
their wares. They go through the streets 
with sweetmeats for sale. You put a penny 
in the machine, turn a wheel and get as 
many pieces as are indicated by the finger 
at its stopping place. Everywhere the spirit 
of gambling seems to have taken hold of the 
people and become a part of their life. 

III. Customs 

There are many customs in Porto Rico 
that seem especially queer to an American 
because he finds nothing similar to them 
among his own people. To a person from 
another Latin country these differences are 
not so great. 

The forms of salutation are practically 
courtesies the same as those used in other Spanish 
countries, but it sounds strange to one un- 
accustomed to it to hear a person say 
"adios" or "goodbye" when he greets you on 
the street, or to see a man sign himself, 
"Your true servant who kisses your hand," 



Characteristics and Customs 55 

or, if written to a lady, "Your faithful serv- 
ant who kisses your feet." When a gentle- 
man wishes to be remembered to the wife of 
his friend, he says to him, "Place me at the 
feet of your wife." When a gentleman is 
introduced to another, he repeats his own 
name and adds, "at your orders," and be- 
fore parting he places his house at your 
disposal. These extravagant expressions 
have no significance other than that of 
formal courtesy. 

The manner of disposing of the dead is 
shocking to an American. Bodies were 
allowed to rest in vaults or in graves only Burial of the 

Dead 

so long as the rent was paid. When this 
was neglected, the skeleton, or what re- 
mained of the body, was thrown into the 
bone vault, which is a cistern-like hole, open 
at the top and exposed to the weather. This 
practice was forbidden during the military 
government of the United States, and has 
not been permitted since. The burial of a 
poor person is a pitiful sight to witness. 
The body is laid in a rough, unplaned box, 
without a lid or any kind of a covering. A 
strip of wood is nailed on each side and 
allowed to project a couple of feet at each 
end for convenience in carrying it. Four 



56 Down in Porto Rico 

men raise the box to their shoulders, and, 
walking in the middle of the street, make 
their way to the cemetery. Women are not 
allowed by custom to accompany the body 
to the grave. Sometimes a few boys and 
men follow, at other times not a person is 
seen except those carrying the body. When 
the grave is reached the corpse is lifted ont 
of the box, and with more or less considera- 
tion, lowered into a shallow grave and cov- 
ered up by shovelling in the earth upon the 
unprotected body, or upon a few branches of 
trees that have been placed upon it. 

An American lady told me of an occur- 
rence witnessed by herself in a cemetery. 
She saw some men bring in the body of a 
child in one of these open boxes, and they 
did not even take the trouble to lift the little 
body out of the box, but dumped it into the 
grave as if it were nothing but a clod. A 
recent law forbids the use of these open 
boxes, but they are still used in many parts 
of the Island. 
. They have a queer custom here in regard 

Custom to a child that is still-born. Instead of 
mourning over it, they have a feast in honor 
of the occasion. They claim that as the 
little one never committed any sin, its com- 



Characteristics and Customs 57 

ing is in reality an angel's visit to the home. 
The festivities of the occasion resemble 
somewhat the accepted idea of an Irish 
"wake." Eating, drinking, music and danc- 
ing occupy the attention of the friends dur- 
ing the hours of the night. 

One is amused in seeing persons carrying 
open umbrellas on bright moonlight nights. p e arof 
This has given rise to the report that the Night Air 
natives are afraid of the moonbeams and 
take this method of protecting themselves. 
The real object, however, seems to be protec- 
tion from the falling dew. Not only is the 
Porto Eican afraid of the night dew, but he 
is superstitious about the night air. Upon 
retiring to his bedroom, he closes all open- 
ings and practically seals himself in until 
morning. This custom undoubtedly contri- 
butes to the diseases of the lungs which are 
quite prevalent. 

Wherever it is practicable, the washer- 
women carry their clothes to a stream in- 
stead of carrying water to their homes, ^^^g^ 
They congregate at some point where they woman 
sit on the stones and pound the clothes upon 
them. The tropical sun beats down upon 
these women as bareheaded, barefooted, and 
barelegged they perform their tasks, but 



58 Down in Porto Rico 

they seem not to be disturbed by it. At the 
close of the day, they balance their burdens 
upon their heads and return to their homes 
which may be a mile or two distant. Their 
manner of drying clothes brings dismay to 
the person who owns them. The clothes are 
hung up on barbed wires or on prickly 
bushes, so that when the wind blows it works 
disaster to the garments. At other times 
the clothing is laid upon the ground in filthy 
lots and in different kinds of objectionable 
places, so that they are not only soiled, but 
there is danger of carrying disease in them. 
It was estimated by the shoe merchants 
in 1899 that 700,000 persons in Porto Rico 
wear no shoes, and if one is to judge by ap- 
^eo a pie f0 ° ted pearances, there are many of that number 
who rarely or never wash their feet. The 
skin becomes hardened and encrusted so 
that they are able to walk over sharp stones 
or rough roads without much inconvenience. 
In the large towns many compromise by 
wearing a sort of slipper or shoe with the 
heel tramped down. They hold this on by 
the toes while the heel part of it flaps and 
slides along the pavement. Men, women 
and children in large numbers use this sort 
of footwear in the towns, but in the country 







Going to Market 
Po::ce Marxet FLce 



Market Scenes 



Characteristics and Customs 59 

the custom of going barefooted is almost 
universal. 

Except on dress occasions, the Porto 
Ricans are prone to be careless in their per- 
sonal appearance. Men and women of the Personal 

Appearance 

poorer classes wear soiled clothing most of 
the week, but on Sunday they come out ar- 
rayed in garments starched so stiff: that they 
could stand alone. 

The women of the higher classes come to 
coffee in the morning with disheveled hair 
and garments loosely put on. They sit fre- 
quently around idly in deshabille during the 
forenoon, but in the evening they dress well 
for dinner and for social events. Even 
when dressed for the street one cannot help 
noticing that in many cases there are evi- 
dences which betray the lack of neatness 
and care. 

An abundant use of cheap perfumery and 
face powder is also noticeable among the 
Porto Rican women. Even the blacks light- 
en their color by a generous application of 
powder. 

Among the poorer classes, there is a de- 
cided lack of taste displayed in the choice 
of colors. Yellow, green, pink and red in all 
sorts of combinations are the prevailing 



Market Day 



60 Down in Porto Rico 

colors. There has been qnite a modification 
in these respects since the advent of the 
American women. 

Another custom that seems strange from 
the American point of view is the making 
of Sunday into the chief market day of the 
week. Each town has its market place 
which is used more or less through the week, 
but on Sunday, it is a perfect hive of busi- 
ness. People from the country crowd in 
with articles for sale, and those from the 
town go to market on that day even if they 
absent themselves the rest of the week. The 
chief use of Sunday seems to have been — 
market and mass in the morning, out-door 
pleasure in the afternoon, and a dance or 
concert or play of some kind for the evening. 
a Natural One of the pathetic features connected 
ltl0n with the people of mixed blood is their de- 
sire to be considered white. As we have 
stated before, there is a comparatively small 
percentage of pure whites and a large per- 
centage of persons of mixed blood. These 
latter want to be classed as whites. By a 
generous use of face-powder, by skillful 
dressing of the hair, by talking disparag- 
ingly of persons of negro blood, by explain- 
ing their own dark complexion as due either 



Characteristics and Customs 61 

to the sun or to Indian blood, or to a dark- 
skinned Spaniard, they try to avoid sus- 
picion themselves, but they cannot eradicate 
the unmistakable signs of the negro race. 
With this kind of a feeling prevailing, one 
is surprised at the lack of sentiment against 
intermarriage. Especially among the poorer 
classes, blacks, whites, and persons of 
mixed blood live together indiscriminately. 
Among the higher classes, if a person has 
but a small amount of negro blood he can 
pass as white and marry into the best 
families. 

IV. Amusements 

The Porto Eicans are a pleasure-loving 
people, whose means for gratifying the de- 
sire for amusements are quite limited. Very 
few being able to read, books of all kinds are 
closed to them. The theatres are great at- 
tractions where they exist, but there are 
only a few of them on the Island, these being 
in the larger towns, and even here the people 
are too poor to patronize them in large num- 
bers. Bad roads and expensive travel make 
it impossible to have any great assemblies 
at central points, so that "fairs" and "cir- 



62 Down in Porto Rico 

cuses 77 and "shows" are practically un- 
known. 

The annual attraction for the whole Is- 
land is the religious pilgrimage to the 
Church of our Lady of Monserrate. This 
brings devout Catholics and many others 
not so devout from almost every parish. It 
furnishes a substitute for "fairs 77 and other 
such functions in bringing together the peo- 
ple from all sections of the Island. 

Neither do the people come together in 
Gatherings intellectual gatherings. Courses of vocal 
and instrumental music and lectures could 
neither be appreciated nor sustained. The 
ignorance and the poverty of the great 
masses of the people have shut them off 
from many of the sources of pleasure en- 
joyed by other civilized nations. The iso- 
lated position of the Island has also had the 
effect of limiting their intellectual oppor- 
tunities. 

Until baseball was introduced by the 
Out Door American soldiers, there seems to have been 
little out-door sport. Few of the open air 
games have found a place in their amuse- 
ments. Bathing, fishing and sailing are not 
favorite sports, the latter two are used to a 
limited extent, but almost wholly as a 



Sports 



>> 

O n> 
o oq 
?T0rq 

m w 



£ CD 

► to 




Characteristics and Customs 63 

means of livelihood and not for pleasure. 
It will be seen from these limitations that 
their field of amusement is rather restricted. 
This, however, does not prevent them from 
enjoying such things as they have. 

As stated before, the love of gambling is Gaml3ling . 
very general throughout the population. 
Anything that can be turned into a game of 
chance meets with favor. Throwing dice, 
playing with cards, dominoes or checkers, 
are only interesting as money is placed on 
the game. 

Betting on the cockfights is a most popu- 
lar form of gambling. Before prohibited 
by law, many towns and villages had cock- 
pits to which an entrance fee was charged. 
These exhibitions were usually given on 
Sunday afternoons and furnished the chief 
attraction of the day. 

These fights were the best substitute they 
could provide for the bull fights of Spain 
and other Spanish countries. They were 
carried on in somewhat the following order : 
A number of cocks were tied to stakes placed 
within the enclosure, and when the spec- 
tators had arrived two were selected and the 
contest began. The fighting was done al- 



Cock Fights. 



64 Down in Porto Eico 

most entirely by spurs which had been 
sharpened to a point almost as fine as a 
needle. As the heads of the birds became 
bloody, their owners sponged them off until 
they could see to renew the struggle. This 
continued until one of the contestants suc- 
ceeded in driving the long, sharp spur 
through his rival's head. The dead bird was 
then thrown aside, the bets paid, and a 
couple of new cocks were put in the pit to 
continue the sport for the crowd that was 
still eager for the fray. 

During Spanish rule cockpits were li- 
censed by the municipalities and were pat- 
ronized by all classes of society. Under 
American rule these fights have been pro- 
hibited by law, but there are still many of 
them carried on in sheds, and other outbuild- 
ings in the cities and suburbs, and especially 
throughout the rural districts where the po- 
lice are not so vigilant. 

Perhaps the most popular form of amuse- 
ment is dancing which is indulged in by all 
Danoia* c i aggeg# Sunday night is the favorite time 
for the "bailes" or balls, with Saturday 
night as a close second. These balls last 
far into the night or rather into the morn- 
ing. There are frequently more than forty 



Characteristics and Customs 65 

dances in the evening's program and the 
dancers move much more slowly than is the 
custom in the United States. The main 
feature seems to be a rhythmical movement 
of the body in time to music. They have 
also a dance which resembles slightly the 
waltz. The music played on guitars and a 
kind of mandolin is in very quick time, and 
the dancers fly around in a circle at a tre- 
mendous speed. This dknce is more popu- 
lar in the country, while the slow dances 
are used chiefly in the cities. 

In the cities and towns one of the great Band 
attractions is the band concert in the princi- 
pal plaza. In some places, there is a more 
or less ornamental band stand, but in others 
the band simply occupies a central position 
in the plaza. These concerts are given on 
Sunday evenings and on one or two even- 
ings during the week. As the band begins 
to play, the crowd which has been gathering 
for some time commences to promenade up 
and down the plaza. This is kept up through- 
out the entire evening. There are a few 
benches around the side which are greatly 
in demand, and in San Juan rocking-chairs 
are placed in rows and rented for the even- 



Tlie Carnival 



66 Down in Porto Rico 

ing, chiefly to "los Americanos" as the Amer- 
icans are called. 

These concerts are really enjoyable af- 
fairs. The bright laughing faces of the 
young people promenading, the variety of 
colors that appear in the gowns of the young 
women and the neckties of the young men, 
the strains of the music that mingle with the 
laughter and conversation of the gay crowd, 
the balmy sea breeze fanning and soothing 
one's brow, the soft delicious air of this 
tropical Island bathing the body and filling 
the lungs — all these contribute to the fasci- 
nation and charm of these gala evening 
hours. 

The great annual festivity is the carnival 
which lasts ten days. This is the most dis- 
turbing of all the "fiestas." In San Juan, 
it is opened with a grand ball in the theatre. 
Two young women, chosen for their beauty, 
are crowned queens of the carnival. Im- 
mediately after the coronation, a great up- 
roar takes place. Men and women begin 
throwing "papelitos" upon each other in 
great quantities. This consists of millions 
of small disks of different colored paper. It 
can be bought in little sacks containing 
about half a peck each, and many have taken 



Characteristics and Customs 67 

a supply with them. Before the evening is 
over, every one has been covered with these 
bits of paper, and the floor of the theatre is 
in some places several inches deep with 
them. Dancing is kept up until the morn- 
ing, and the carnival with all its fantasies 
has been formally inaugurated. 

In the afternoon and evening of each day 
the masqueraders appear on the streets. 
These are usually persons of the lower 
classes, although there are many others who 
join with them. Men dress up to represent 
various animals such as a bear, a donkey, 
a cow, an owl, etc. The favorite mask rep- 
resents the devil with horns and a tail. 
Such a one usually is followed by a crowd 
of boys who obey his orders. He asks ques- 
tions and they respond in chorus as they 
parade up and down the streets. He forms 
them into a circle on the plaza, takes the 
center, and after various maneuvers breaks 
through and is again followed by his crowd. 

The women vie with each other in making 
striking costumes out of bright colored cot- 
ton materials. Many of these only come to 
the knees, and the lurid colors of hosiery are 
everywhere prominent. These women run 
around in the most aimless manner, trying 



68 Down in Porto Rico 

to attract attention by their masks and by 
voices disguised as high squeaky falsettos 
such as are used in a Punch and Judy show. 
In the meantime the boys are not idle. They 
have sacks filled with flour, bottles of per- 
fumery, etc., which they use freely upon 
the passer-by. 

The evenings are given up to "bailes." 
One night there will be a "first-class" baile 
for whites, then a "second-class" for blacks, 
then a "black and white" baile for both col- 
ors, masks, of course, being used. 

The closing feature of the carnival is a 
grand parade on Sunday afternoon. Car- 
riages are gaily decorated with bright 
colored papers, and at the head of the pro- 
cession ride the two queens. As they pass 
through the streets persons on the balconies 
throw balls of serpentine paper at the 
queens and at their friends in the carriages. 
They also hurl this paper from balcony to 
balcony, until the streets are a net work, 
which presents a "fiesta" day appearance 
as it sways in the breeze. 

Much of this sport is innocent fun, but 
immoral men and women find in the dis- 
guises and masks of carnival week a suit- 



Characteristics and Customs 69 

able covering for taking liberties they other- 
wise would not dare to take, and in many- 
ways they use their concealed identity for 
promoting their nefarious trade. 

Perhaps the greatest part of the amuse- 
ment of the Porto Eicans has been furnished Be iigious 
by the Catholic Church. There were about festival 
forty "holy days," or "fiesta" days, as they 
were generally called, in each year. These 
were legal holidays, and work was quite 
generally suspended. The Church provided 
parades, semi-religious services, spectacular 
exhibitions, and, in many ways, it sought to 
gratify the taste of the people for amuse- 
ment. 

In our judgment, this custom was dis- 
astrous in several respects. It caused the 
people to regard the Church as an amuse- 
ment bureau instead of an institution to 
direct their thoughts toward spiritual and 
ethical ideas. It brought into vulgar use 
many of the emblems and words that should 
have been used only in the Church or in con- 
nection with religious themes. It encour- 
aged idleness by giving the working people 
more than forty holidays in addition to the 



70 Down in Porto Kico 

fifty-two Sundays of the year, thus putting 
a premium on idleness in a climate where 
every incentive to labor is needed to help 
overcome the enervating influence of the 
atmosphere. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Education 
I. Spanish Provisions 

The people of Porto Rico have had few 
educational privileges from the very begin- 
ning of their history. 1 As late as 1765 there 
were only tw T o schools for children on the 
Island, which then had a population of 
44,913 inhabitants. 

2 In 1799 the municipal council of San 
Juan employed four teachers to take charge Spanish 

* r. i * •! j m. • Provision* 

of as many schools for girls, and it is sup- 
posed that there already existed like schools 
for boys. In 1815 the Governor-General 
was ordered to visit the schools of the Island 
and suggest reforms. He visited only those 
of San German and San Juan : if there were 
others they must have been private schools 
or so unimportant as not to demand official 
notice. 

In 1838 the first steps were taken toward 
establishing a uniform school system. In 
1846 the municipalities were instructed to 
buy supplies for poor children. In 1865 a 



1 O'Reilly Report to the King of Spain in 1765. 

2 See Report Military Governor of Porto Rico. Page 117. 



72 Down in Porto Rico 

royal decree provided for the reorganization 
of the system of public instruction, and in 
1880, a new educational law was enacted 
which remained in force until 1898, when 
the autonomous constitution gave Porto 
Rico authority to organize her own educa- 
tional system. 

Little further comment is needed upon 
the failure of these various laws than a 
glance at their results as shown in the con- 
ditions that obtained when the Americans 
assumed control. According to the census 
of 1899, out of a total population of 953,243, 
but 143,472 or 15 per cent, were able to read 
and write, while only 5,045, or one half per 
cent., had more than elementary education. 
The attendance in public and private schools 
was 19,223, or a little over 6 per cent, of the 
children of the school age. 
a Lone When the American Government took 
Building charge of the schools of Porto Rico, there 
was only one school building received from 
Spain. This was a residence that had been 
given by a benevolent lady of San German 
to the municipality to be used for school 
purposes. Most of the schools were con- 
ducted in the homes of the teachers who re- 
ceived an allowance for rent. 



Education 73 

Soon after the establishment of the mili- 
tary government, the acting director of pub- ^ he ? e ^ e j" 
lie instruction reported as follows : "We 
visited schools during school hours and 
found the teacher in bed taking a siesta; 
other teachers were away attending store. 
In another case, we found a teacher who 
was running a rum shop. Teachers went 
around the schoolroom in untidy and in- 
sufficient attire, and the demands of the 
neighborhood callers upon the time of the 
teacher left him less than the required time 
for instructing the public." 

1 According to the report of the Military 
Governor, the teachers were largely politi- 
cians and office-holders who felt they had a 
life tenure on their positions, and as they 
had nothing to gain by increasing their 
efficiency and nothing to lose because of 
neglect, there was little interest in the schol- 
ars or the school. Some teachers lived in 
Europe and had substitutes doing their 
work for half their salary. The qualifica- 
tions of teachers were far from the ordinary 
standards. Some who held superior certifi- 
cates took the teachers' examination in 1899 
and received less than 25 per cent, in the 



l See Report of Military Governor of Porto Rico. Page 122. 



The Institute 



74 Down in Porto Rico 

elementary branches. This was dne in part 
to the same worthlessness of the secondary 
schools that characterized those of the pri- 
mary grades. In these secondary institu- 
tions of learning, there was lack of prepara- 
tion among the teachers, and on the part of 
the pupils a lack of preparation also, due 
largely to the fact that they had few, if any, 
textbooks to study from, — the lecture sys- 
tem being used. 

The Institute which was located in San 
Juan, and was supposed to furnish a col- 
lege education, had no building of its own. 
Again quoting the report of the Military 
Governor. 1 "The classes were held at va- 
rious places in the city of San Juan — some 
in private residences. Students were per- 
mitted to study elsewhere, passing exami- 
nations at stated times. Private schools 
could also enter into fixed relations with 
the Institute." The attendance in February 
1899 was about 60, but the registration was 
much larger, including those studying at 
home and in the private schools referred to 
above. It was the opinion of the Commis- 
sion that the Institute as conducted was 
"as nearly worthless as possible." 



1 Report. Page 123. 



Education 75 

A similar state of affairs existed in the The Normal 

School 

Normal School. In the words of the Com- 
missioner's report — "Students attend very 
irregularly, and, indeed, it would seem it 
is not a matter of much importance whether 
they attend or not, as all in time are grad- 
uated. There are some lectures given on 
pedagogy, but nothing was seen to convince 
the commission that this school can prepare 
any one to teach, even in the most elemen- 
tary branches." 

According to these reports, the educa- 
tional system of Porto Eico under Spanish 
rule was wholly inadequate for the large 
population of the Island, and the schools 
in actual operation were utterly incompe- 
tent to give a child an elementary school 
education or to train persons for teachers, 
or to supply students with an accredited 
college course. 

That these reports are true is amply veri- some 
fied by evidence received from teachers and Evidence 
prominent citizens of Porto Kico in the in- 
quiries made by special United States Com- 
missioner, Dr. H. K. Carroll, in 1899, 
concerning the public school system. * In 
summing up the information received from 



1 Report on the Island of Porto Rico. Page I 



76 Down in Porto Rico 

many representative Porto Ricans, the Com- 
missioner says: "The system of public 
schools was antiquated, and few improve- 
ments seem to have been made. In practice 
it was decidedly inferior and insufficient. 
Most attention was given, naturally, to 
urban schools, and these were inadequate 
in almost every respect. Less attention was 
given to schools in the rural districts, where 
the difficulties were greatest. Something 
was done for the boys, but little for the 
girls. . . . The scholars were generally 
clothed, but there were some exceptions 
among the smaller ones. . . . The system 
of instruction was generally superficial and 
not solid, and theoretical rather than prac- 
tical." These statements are further 
strengthened by the written testimony of 
persons who taught for years under the 
Spanish regime. Some extracts are here 
given from a letter of Mr. Enrique Landron, 
found in the Report of the Commissioner of 
Education for 1902. Mr. Landron was a 
teacher under the old system and is now a 
school supervisor under the American rule. 
He says, 1 "There was no grading of the 
schools. Every teacher classified his pupils 



'Report of 1902. Page 9. 



Education 77 

according to his own ideas. ... As to 
method of teaching, the pupil had to learn by 
heart the lessons in the text-books. These 
text-books were written in the old way of 
questions and answers. The pupil had to 
learn daily a certain number of questions. At 
the time of the recitation, the teacher would 
read out the questions to the pupil, who in 
turn would answer the same ad pedem li- 
terae. The pupils had to learn their lessons 
at home. A few minutes were granted to 
them before the recitation to read over the 
answers they had to recite that day. The 
highest mark was to the pupil who recited 
the lesson without omitting any of the 
words. Besides these recitations, the teach- 
ers were supposed to give some oral ex- 
planations in grammar, arithmetic and 
catechism. Object lessons were entirely un- 
known. 

"As to discipline, if there was any, it was 
very bad. An unbearable noise was heard 
continuously in the school. Corporal pun- 
ishment, abnormal positions, and retention 
after school were the most common punish- 
ments used. . . . The teacher and his fam- 
ily generally lived in the schoolhouse. . . ., 
The school was free only for poor children. 



78 Down in Porto Rico 

Other pupils had to pay a monthly fee to 
the teacher. . . . The teachers obtained 
their schools through a competitive exami- 
nation before an examining board appointed 
by the Governor. In this way the teacher 
obtained his school for life. He was the 
proprietor of his school, and it could not be 
taken away from him only through special 
legal proceedings. Teachers were promoted 
according to the length of public service. 
... In fact, it can be said that there was 
no real organization in the public schools 
of Porto Rico, every teacher being the ruler 
of his own school." 

II. Under the United States Military 
Government 
Such in brief were the educational con- 
Work of the ditions that confronted the new military 
Military Gov- government. In January, 1899, General 
Eaton was placed in charge of educational 
affairs. After a tour of inspection, he re- 
commended the appointment of sixteen Eng- 
lish supervisors, who, in addition to their 
work as inspectors, should be teachers of 
English. The recommendations were ap- 
proved, and this number was appointed and 
entered upon their duties at once. Then 



Education 79 

came in rapid succession the organization 
of school districts, provision for school trus- 
tees, for school taxes, for admitting both 
sexes to rural schools, for the separation of 
school buildings from residences, making 
the schools absolutely free, establishing a 
nine months' school year, inaugurating a 
graded system, limiting the number of 
scholars to 50 for one teacher, providing a 
principal where there are more than four 
schools, eliminating Church doctrine and 
religion, loaning text-books free of charge. 
In July, 1899, a Board of Education was 
constituted which was to "act in a general 
advisory and superintending capacity over 
the educational interests of Porto Eico." In 
September a model and training school was 
opened in San Juan. Provision was also 
made by the military government for the 
establishment of a normal and industrial 
school, and for the introduction of high 
schools. 

III. Under Civil Government 

1 "When the government was turned over ® te ]^ T *^£ 
to the civil authorities, it was found that 612 Government 
schools had been put in operation. During 



'See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1901. Page 7. 



80 Down in Porto Rico 

the first year of civil government, this num- 
ber had been increased to 792, of which 733 
were open at the close of the school year." 
Commissioner Brumbaugh thus summarizes 
the work accomplished during the school 
year." 1 "With the public elementary 
schools thoroughly organized ; with the new 
school law prepared by this department, 
and enacted by the last legislature in full 
force and successful operation; with effi- 
cient supervision provided ; with thirty-nine 
new public school buildings completed and 
in daily use; with a reorganized corps of 
teachers; with a system of agricultural 
schools giving practical education to 1,000 
chosen youths ; with the normal school fully 
organized and ready to begin its work ; with 
the summer Normal happily concluded ; with 
a high school in successful operation in San 
Juan ; with the annual budget for education 
increased from $400,000 to $500,000; with 
every school amply equipped with all neces- 
sary books and supplies ; with a school year 
of nine months throughout the Island, and 
with a rapidly growing sentiment in favor 
of free public schools, it is eminently reason- 
able to claim that the cause of education 
has made gratifying progress in Porto Rico 
during the past year." 

1 Report of Commissioner of Education, Page 8. 



Education 81 

Commissioner Lindsay's report for 1901- 
1902 shows that the number of schools in 
operation at the close of that year was 874. 
For 1902-03, he reports 1097 open in June. 
For 1903-04, 1113 were open at the close of 
the year. 

By way of comparison and report of prog- 
ress, he says : 1 "The total number of schol- 
ars enrolled in the Spanish schools Dec. 31, 
1897 is reported at 22,265 as compared with 
42,070 in the American schools on June 20, 
1902. . . . We now have a graded course 
of study, which is followed so far as pos- 
sible by all teachers, even by those teaching 
in the ungraded rural schools. The best 
books and supplies the Government can get 
are furnished free, and there are sixteen 
school supervisors who are required to visit 
each school in their respective districts at 
least once a month." 

During the school year of 1902-03, 70,216 
different pupils were enrolled in the schools. 
This, while showing a gratifying increase 
in the number being taught by the Govern- 
ment, is still a small percentage of those of 
school age. The census of 1899 gives the 
number of children between the ages of 5 



'Report School Commissioner, 1902. Page 8. 



82 Down in Porto Rico 

and 18 as 322,393. The estimated number 
for 1893, based upon the rate of increase 
for the sixteen years previous to the census 
of 1899/ is 377,200. The number enrolled 
for 1902-03 is, therefore, 21.7 per cent of the 
school population given by the last official 
census, or 19 per cent of the estimated 
school population for the year 1902-03. 
This enrollment includes 6.177 pupils of 
special schools which are reported as fol- 
lows: Kindergarten schools, 10; night 
school classes, 44; industrial school classes, 
6; high school classes, 23; practice school 
classes, 2 ; normal school classes, 4. 

In commenting upon the number en- 
rolled in the schools during the school year 
of 1902-03, the Commissioner remarks, 
1 "One-fifth of the total population of school 
age in school is but a poor showing com- 
pared with the United States, where one 
fifth of the total population attend school. 
With us only about one fifteenth of the total 
population enjoy that privilege. Where 
there are four boys and girls of school age 
who have no school to which they can go 
to every boy or girl who can go to school, 



^Report, 1903. Page 17. 



Education 83 

the bane of illiteracy cannot be entirely re- 
moved. 

1 The figures for 1903-04 do not present 
even as favorable a report. The total enroll- 
ment for the year was 61,168, or nearly 10,- 
000 less than the year before. The Commis- 
sioner accounts for this in the different 
methods employed in making the enumera- 
tion. In 1902-03 every separate name en- 
rolled throughout the year was counted, 
while in 1903-04 duplicates and re-enroll- 
ments were excluded. He also points out 
that while the average daily attendance for 
the former year was only 36,308, the attend- 
ance for the latter year was 41,798. This 
brings the percentage of the children en- 
rolled in all schools as compared with the 
total population of school age down to 19.7 
per cent as based upon the census of 1899, 
or only 16.1 per cent when based upon the 
estimated school population of 1904. 

One of the great difficulties that has 
stood in the way of the educational depart- school Buiid- 
ment is the lack of proper school buildings. "^ 
Spain turned over one schoolhouse to the 
American Government. The Department 
had to rent buildings, equip them with 



1 See Report for 1904. Page 15. 



84 Down in Porto Rico 

school furniture, and furnish all books and 
other necessary supplies. Under Coinniis- 
sioner Brumbaugh, $200,000 was secured 
from the United States Government for 
school extension. This has been increased 
by a share of the trust funds refunded to 
Porto Rico by the United States. This 
money has been wisely and economically ad- 
ministered in securing schoolhouses for the 
Island. Where communities were able to 
raise part of the sum required for a build- 
ing, they were expected to do so. In many 
places where they were too poor to contrib- 
ute, especially in rural districts, no help 
was demanded. 

In this way the Insular Government has 
constructed over seventy school buildings. 
The graded schools are plain two-story 
structures built of brick or stone. The 
rural schoolhouses are one-story frame 
buildings. The Department is still under 
the necessity of renting over six hundred 
buildings for school purposes. Many of 
these are wholly unfit for school work, and 
the teachers labor under great disadvan- 
tages. The rents are in numerous cases ex- 
horbitant, and the money that is sadly 
needed for the extension of school privi- 



Education 85 

leges has to be paid for the use of these 
houses. The Insular Government seems to 
be doing its best in this matter, but it is 
felt that the United States Government 
ought to assist still further in securing 
buildings in which to house the schools of 
the Island. This feeling is expressed by 
Commissioner Lindsay in the following 
language : 

1 "Appeals have been made from time to 
time to the people of the United States, and 
some way must be devised by which the 
people of the United States can do more 
than merely take an interest in the public 
school system of Porto Rico. They must 
show their sympathy in a more practical 
way, in the ambition of the people to develop 
a system of public schools equal to any to 
be found in the United States. Thus far 
the United States has given no financial 
aid except that which has come from the 
trust funds refunded by the President of 
the United States, and a part of which has 
been used in the construction of school 
buildings. It is true that Congress has been 
more than just in legislating for Porto Rico 
and that the Island enjoys a singular token 



Report 1903. Pago IS. 



86 Down in Porto Rico 

of this generosity in the use of its customs 
receipts and its internal revenue as a part 
of its insular revenue, but some further sub- 
stantial aid should be extended." 
someEesuits To any supporter of the American Public 
School system, the results that are being 
obtained in Porto Rico are exceedingly en- 
couraging. The percentage of illiteracy is 
rapidly decreasing; the discipline of the 
school is teaching the pupils obedience and 
self-control ; children are better clothed and 
lessons of cleanliness are being learned; 
there is a growing demand for higher educa- 
tion; standards of life are being raised; 
patriotism is being instilled in all classes — 
in fact, the public schools of Porto Rico are 
a mighty force in transforming the life of 
this people. 
TheLan- * n one i m P or tant particular we differ in 

gua^e opinion from that held by the school author- 
ities. Commissioner Brumbaugh, in speak- 
ing of the language used in the schools, re- 
marks, 1 "We want the children to have and 
to use both languages." Commissioner 
Lindsay is of the same opinion, for he 
states : 2 "There is no intention to rob them 



^Report, 1901. Page 13. 
2 Report, 1902. Page 23. 



Education 87 

of the use of the Spanish language." We 
do not agree with these sentiments. The 
United States is not interested in preserv- 
ing either the Spanish or any other foreign 
language. One of the great arguments in 
favor of the public school system is the fact 
that it teaches the use of one tongue and 
thus aids in making a homogeneous people. 
In some of the States of the United States 
petitions have been sent to the legislatures 
requesting a teacher for a neighborhood 
who would use a specified foreign language 
in the schoolroom because all the children 
used that language and none of them under- 
stood English. These requests have been 
denied and the principle has been observed 
that the public school system must be con- 
ducted in English. 

In the judgment of the writer, there is as A Personal 
much, perhaps more, need of the applica- Op 1 ™ 11 
tion of this principle in Porto Eico than in 
the foreign colonies of some of our States. 
It is the desire of the Americans, and of 
many of the Porto Eicans, that this people 
be "Americanized" as soon as possible. 
How is this to be done? Not by reading 
Spanish literature, for there is not much of 
a complimentary nature to be found there, 



88 Down in Porto Rico 

while there is much hostility toward Amer- 
icans and American ideals. Not by talking 
in Spanish to Americans who live on the 
Island, for very few of them can express 
themselves well in that language. The most 
prolific source of the misunderstandings 
that really exist between Porto Ricans and 
Americans is the inability to converse freely 
in a common language. That common 
language will not be Spanish. Of necessity 
it must be English. If the people learn to 
read American literature and come to know 
our ideals of national life, if they are able 
to converse in an intelligent manner with 
the American officials and citizens who re- 
side in Porto Rico, it will not be long until 
this people shall be thoroughly American. 
The only organization that can bring about 
this transformation is the public school 
system. We believe that, if the schools were 
conducted exclusively in English, in a few 
years all the school children would be able 
to converse and to read in that language. 
As the schools are now conducted, with a 
few exceptions, Spanish is the language of 
the schoolroom. A teacher of English 
comes in and gives a lesson a day in most 
of the graded schools. Several lessons a 



Education 89 

week or less is the maximum which the 
rural schools receive where English is 
taught. The children speak Spanish both 
at home and in school, and it is not to be ex- 
pected that without practice they will be- 
come familiar with a foreign language. 
Even college students who study German or 
French for several years in the States are 
unable to converse in those languages. Can 
we expect more from children who study 
English one hour a day and use Spanish the 
rest of the time? 

Let us examine some of the objections 
that are made to the immediate conduct of options 

and Answers 

the schools in English. 

1. It is too expensive. American teach- 
ers cost more than Porto Eican teachers. 

In answer to this objection, it may be 
stated that the salaries of ninety-nine spe- 
cial teachers of English would be saved and 
could be applied toward making up the dif- 
ference between the salaries now paid Porto 
Rican teachers and what American teachers 
would cost. Moreover, it is better to have 
the schools placed on the right basis even 
if it somewhat reduced the number for a 
short time. 



90 'Down in Porto Kico 

2. It would work hardship to the Porto 
Kican teachers who do not know English. 

The schools are not run in the interests 
of the teachers but for the good of the schol- 
ars. If aspirants for teachers' positions 
knew that the work had to be conducted in 
English, they would soon acquire the lan- 
guage. If the Government in 1898 had 
stated that after five years all public school 
work should be conducted in English, those 
preparing themselves for teaching positions 
would have governed themselves accord- 
ingly, and would have been prepared to do 
the work in the manner required. 

3. The progress of the scholars would be 
slow where the teacher does not understand 
Spanish and the pupils do not understand 
English. 

Experience has shown that children read- 
ily learn a language that is constantly used 
in the school room. In New York city 
many children who do not understand Eng- 
lish enter the public schools, and in a re- 
markably short time they are keeping up 
in their work with native born American 
children. The Porto Kican boys and girls 
being especially quick in picking up new 



Education 91 

ideas and new words would experience little 
difficulty in adopting the English speech. 

4. Children ought to have an education 
in their native tongue. 

We do not accept this theory. Children 
ought to receive their education in the lan- 
guage of the country of which they form a 
part. If more is desired, it should be paid 
for privately. The Porto Eicans do not un- 
derstand American ideals and American 
ways because they have had almost all of 
their associations with Spaniards. Many of 
the Americans who went to Porto Rico were 
not representative citizens and they soon 
left a wrong impression of American man- 
hood and womanhood. As before stated, 
misunderstandings are constantly arising 
between Americans and Porto Eicans, 
caused chiefly by the failure to comprehend 
each other's speech. It is imperative that 
the new generation shall absorb the real 
spirit of American life as set forth in her 
best periodicals and books, and at the same 
time be able to converse with the Govern- 
ment officials, the merchants and other 
Americans who visit the Island, to the mu- 
tual advantage of both parties. To accom- 
plish these results, we believe that English 



92 Down in Porto Rico 

alone should be the language of the schools. 

5. It would cause a revulsion of public 
feeling against the schools. 

On the contrary, we believe it would make 
the schools more popular. When the people 
of the Island learn that to secure any gov- 
ernment position a man or woman must 
speak the English language, parents will 
be glad to have their children avail them- 
themselves of the advantages of the English- 
speaking public schools. 

6. The same results can be better ob- 
tained by gradually introducing the Eng- 
lish text-books and instruction. 

This means the depriving of many of the 
children who have attended the public 
schools the last few years and those who are 
now in attendance of a practical knowledge 
of the English language, and retarding the 
growth of American ideas in these forma- 
tive days of national life and spirit. The 
experiment tried in the common schools of 
the Philippine Islands in having English as 
the sole language of the school room has 
been a great success, and is giving further 
evidence of the wisdom of having but one 
language for all the school children of our 
Republic. 



Education 93 

We believe that there should be no ex- 
ceptions made in the principle governing 
our public school system, that is, wherever 
the American public school is found, the 
official language of the school room should 
be English. 

Perhaps the most far-reaching official act 
of Commissioner Lindsay was the bringing Enterprise 16 
of five hundred Porto Eican school teachers 
to the United States for a brief summer 
season of study and travel. Most of these 
teachers had never been beyond the shores 
of their native Island. A new world was 
revealed to them and a truer conception of 
American life was formed in their minds. 
One section of the company attended the 
summer session at Harvard, and the other 
section attended at Cornell. In addition to 
the instruction of these schools, a number 
of excursions were arranged for them to 
places in the immediate vicinity of the col- 
leges, and before departing for Porto Rico, 
they visited New York, Philadelphia and 
Washington. This enterprise meant much 
more than the pleasure and profit received 
by these five hundred young men and young 
women. While it was of inestimable value 
to them in enlarging their vision and giving 



94 Down in Porto Rico 

them a glimpse of the life in the great east- 
ern cities of the United States, with few 
exceptions, it made them advocates of Amer- 
icanism among the many thousands of 
school children who come under their in- 
struction. It is our opinion that a few 
more excursions of this kind would do more 
to break down the prejudice that exists to 
some extent against the American Govern- 
ment than any other propaganda that could 
be devised. Commissioner Lindsay and 
those associated with him deserve great 
credit for this stroke of statesmanship, and 
for the admirable manner in which it was 
carried through to success. 



CHAPTER y, 
Morals and Religion 
I. Moral Conditions 

The people of the United States point 
with great pride to the sturdy, religious 
character of the founders of their nation, fathers 
The Puritans of New England, the Dutch of 
New York, and the Quakers of Pennsyl- 
vania, are types of the men who gave direc- 
tion and strength in the formative period of 
our national life. These men came to the 
new world to found permanent homes where 
they might enjoy religious liberty. 

Porto Rico has no such noble ancestry. 
The Spaniards who came to this Island were Poto fiican 
soldiers, adventurers, politicians, mer- Ancestry 
chants, priests and convicts. All of these, 
with perhaps the exception of the last, ex- 
pected, after a temporary residence, to re- 
turn to Spain and enjoy the wealth that had 
been accumulated in Porto Rico. Their ob- 
ject was to secure money, no matter what 
means were employed. It is not surprising 
that, with such men as their rulers, the an- 

95 



Population 



96 Down in Porto Kico 

nals of this people is a repetition of tyranny, 
cruelty and immorality. 
Floating Few °f the men of the classes mentioned 

brought wives with them. During their 
residence here, they lived promiscuously 
with Indian and colored women and usually 
left numerous descendants when they re- 
turned to Spain. The influence of this large 
floating Spanish population was especially 
disastrous to morality because they were 
men of the official and commercial classes 
who were supposed to represent a better 
civilization than that found on the Island 
— the civilization of proud old Spain. 
Permanent Friar Abbad, who wrote in 1782, gives us 
Position some information of the kind of Spaniards 
who formed a part of the permanent popu- 
lation. After referring to the allotment of 
land to the peasant class and other colonists, 
he says : 1 "The same inducements could be 
extended to male convicts in the prisons 
who have finished their term of banishment 
and do not desire to return to Spain, as has 
frequently been the case, some remaining 
because they find the country to their lik- 
ing, others by reason of lack of sufficient 
means to pay for their passage, and these 



Tray Inigo Abbad, Historia de la Isla San Juaa Batista, Madrid, 1788. 




V 




ill;I: 




The Lowest Classes 
A Beggar 
Prisoners in the Tail Yard 



Morals and Religion 97 

having no lands or homes of any kind, re- 
sort to labor on estates, or become smug- 
glers, or commit other excesses, which ne- 
cessitates their flight to other colonies. * * * 
Thus all classes — landless squatters, free 
slaves, liberated convicts, discharged sol- 
diers, vagrants and adventurers — could find 
themselves sufficiently provided for after 
the fashion of the country." 

In 1815 the social conditions were much criminal 

Classes 

improved by the influx of colonists and their 
families from South America and from 
some of the other islands of the West In- 
dies, due to the "Act of Grace." Colonel 
Flinter, however, in 1834, found society still 
in a deplorable state. After speaking of the 
officers, merchants and tradesmen, he says : L 
"Another class, forming the floating mass 
on the surface of society, is composed of ad- 
venturers from all countries, gamblers, etc. 
* * * Still another class, which forms no 
inconsiderable part of the colonists, con- 
sists of those men who, for political or civil 
crimes, have been sent to the galleys of this 
fortress. At the expiration of their im- 
prisonment they are set at liberty, and few 



2 Colonel Flinter. An Account of the Present State of the Island of Puerto 
Rico, London, 1834. 






98 Down in Porto Rico 

have any inducement to return to their 
native country. * * * The heterogeneous 
mixture of all classes and colors forms a 
striking feature in the population, and has 
a corresponding effect on society and man- 
ners, and distinguishes the inhabitants in 
the relations of social life from other na- 
tions." 
The Rural Count cle Caspe, in his report to the King, 
Population savs f the rural population r 1 "Destitute as 
they are of religious instruction and moral 
restraint, their unions are without the sanc- 
tion of religious or civil law, and last just 
as long as their sensual appetites last; it 
may, therefore, be truly said, that in the 
rural districts of Porto Rico, the family 
morally constituted does not exist." 

In view of the ancestry of this people, 
and the laxity of morals that is induced by 
a tropical climate, and the corruption of 
the spiritual leaders which we shall discuss 
later, it ought not to be surprising if we 
find here, as we study the people, conditions 
which in our country would be considered 
shockingly immoral, but which in Porto 
Rico can scarcely be considered as anything 



1 Count de Caspe, The Governor's Report to the King. 



Morals and Religion 99 



& j 



more than non-moral among the great 
masses of the people. 

The census of 1899 shows that 158,570 

Some Census 

persons claimed to be legally married, while Figures 
84,242 acknowledged that they were living 
in concubinage. There were also reported 
148,605 illegitimate children. This alarm- 
ing and deplorable condition calls for some 
explanation. We have already shown that 
the official and commercial classes of Span- 
iards expected to remain in Porto Rico only 
long enough to make a fortune or at least 
a competence and then return to Spain. 
While living on the Island, removed from 
restraining home influence, many of them 
fell into self-indulgence and license. Thus 
a system of concubinage grew up even 
among the better class of people. 

Among this class, however, the women as Among the 

& ' ? Better Class 

a rule are virtuous, but the men are cor- 
rupt. The fathers and husbands are very 
particular that their daughters shall not 
go out unaccompanied and that their wives 
shall be protected, but they give themselves 
unrestrained license. A man may or may 
not have a legitimate wife and family, but 
he is almost sure to have as many concu- 



100 Down in Porto Bico 

bines as he is able to support and by whom 
he raises up families of children. 

There seems to be little sentiment against 
this custom on the part of the wives. In 
some cases the illegitimate children are 
brought into the home of the legitimate 
family and all grow up together. Usually, 
however, they live in separate homes. On 
the plantations, the owner frequently acts 
as if he had absolute possession of all who 
live on the estate, and many of the women 
bear children who point him out as their 
father. 

The larcfe criminal class that remained 

Influence of ° ,_ . 

Criminals in the Island after having served their 
terms in the fortresses had no respect for 
law and they contributed much to the low- 
ering of the moral tone of the inhabitants. 
With such strong forces arrayed against 

Failure of the & , 

Church the custom of marriage, it would seem 

reasonable to suppose that the church au- 
thorities would have made a strong fight 
for the sanctity of the home. The priests, 
on the contrary, lent their influence to the 
foes of the home, first, by living immoral 
lives themselves, and, second, by placing al- 
most insurmountable barriers in the way of 
the poor people who wanted to marry. It 



Morals and Religion 101 



»■ 



is not putting the case too strongly to assert 
that a majority of the Spanish priests on 
the Island have unsavory reputations. 

Among these priests drunkenness is not 
a serious offense, gambling and profane lan- 
guage is so general as to be scarcely com- 
mented upon, and people only smile when 
the relations of the "padre" to the women 
of the parish are mentioned. Many of the 
priests are fathers of children, whom they 
partially or wholly support, and some of 
them live openly with women who rear their 
families. A short time ago one of the rich- 
est priests appeared before a court in the 
western part of the Island, and, in order 
that his children might inherit his property, 
he swore to being their father — yet the oc- 
currence scarcely caused any comment, so 
accustomed are the people to the immoral- 
ity of the priests. 

Although the manner of the priests' lives 
is well known to the ecclesiastical authori- ?*5 e P utable 

rnests 

ties, there have seldom been severe measures 
taken to change the conditions. If a priest 
makes himself obnoxious in a neighborhood, 
he may be changed to another parish, but 
to dismiss him from the priesthood is a very 
rare procedure. 



102 Down in Porto Rico 

In addition to the bad example of those 

church w h should have been tneir spiritual lead- 
Barriers 

ers, the ecclesiastical authorities made it 

difficult for the poor to get married because 
of the following practices : 

First, an exorbitant wedding fee was 
charged by the priest. Although the law of 
1858 forbade the clergy from taking fees for 
the celebration of the sacraments, the 
priests quite generally disregarded it. 1 In 
Dr. Carroll's report, we find that the aver- 
age fees were as follows : Matrimony, simple 
service, f 10.00; more elaborate service, 
$16.00, the rates being increased as the per- 
sons were able to pay. 2 A lawyer from 
Aguadilla stated that there the wedding fee 
was as high as $16.00. 3 The Secretary of 
the Board of Health at San Juan stated 
that he paid $16.00 for the wedding service. 
4 Another gentleman from San German said 
that the wedding service cost from $12.00 
to $16.00. Much other testimony brought 
out the same facts. In talking with people 
in all sections of the Island, the writer was 
repeatedly given the same figures, so that 
it would seem that these statements can be 
proved by many witnesses. When it is kept 



1 See Report, page 658. a Page 663. 3 Page 659. 4 Page 



Morals and Religion 103 



S J 



in mind that the ordinary laborer received 
abont thirty cents per day as his wage, it 
will be seen that, from a financial stand- 
point, marriage was practically impossible. 
It is true that in some parishes no fee or 
a small one was charged to persons who 
were willing to get married at seven o'clock 
in the morning. But as the evening is the 
regular time for weddings, and a morning 
wedding is an advertisement of poverty, few 
seem to have been willing to avail them- 
selves of this privilege. 

Second, the law of consanguinity de- 

Consan- 

barred many. Persons were not allowed to guinity 
marry if they were related to within four 
degrees, unless they obtained a special dis- 
pensation from the Church. This would 
cost from $30.00 to f 50.00. 

Third, other Church requirements. These, other church 
perhaps, can best be stated in the language mentf 6 " 
of Father Montanes to Dr. Carroll: 

1 "They have to present their baptismal 
certificates so as to show their age, if they 5^°^ 
have been born in a different district; then 
they have to produce the consent of their 
parents, according to their age; then they 
have to satisfy the priest as to their knowl- 



1 Commissioners' Report. Page 



101 



Down in Porto Rico 



Obstacles to 
Civil 

Marriage 



edge of Catholic doctrine, so as to enable 
him to know whether they are in a fit state 
to enter Catholic marriage; then the bans 
have to be proclaimed three successive Sun- 
days; then they exact the confession, as 
the Catholic religion considers marriage a 
sacrament. * * * If the parties seeking 
marriage are related, they have to get a 
dispensation from the Bishop." 

It will thus be seen from the priest's own 
statement that the Church makes it quite 
difficult for persons to get married, even 
when they are favorably disposed to matri- 
mony. 

Among the men of Porto Eico, there were 
many who were unwilling to meet the de- 
mands of the Church and preferred a civil 
marriage. Such persons were denounced 
from the pulpit as living in concubinage, 
and were excommunicated from the Church. 
Moreover, many obstacles were put in the 
way of securing a civil marriage. Here is 
the process as described by the municipal 
judge of Arroyo in Dr. Carroll's report: 
1 "The expediente necessary for civil mar- 
riages consists of, first, a birth certificate; 
second, the document asking permission to 



1 Report. Page i 



Morals and Beligion 105 

be married; third, the parents' permission 
to allow their children to be married; 
fourth, a document from the judge in which 
he says he knows of no former marriage of 
the interested party; fifth, a re-statement 
of intention to marry ; sixth, the bans which 
have been published; seventh, a document 
stating that the former document has been 
published; eighth, the document in which 
the celebration is set forth; ninth, the bans 
which were posted on the wall." 

This was quite a formidable undertaking 
for the man who wanted civil marriage. 
The priest charged from $1.00 to f 1.50 for 
each birth certificate, the municipal judge 
charged for drawing up the expediente, and 
if the birth is registered there was another 
fee for the clerk. 

Because of these obstacles, it is easily 
seen that many who desired a legal conjugal 
state were deprived of it by the exorbitant 
fees, and by the time and trouble demanded 
to secure the necessary documents. 

As concubinage became more common, influence of 

Custom 

and public disapproval of it correspond- 
ingly weakened, there grew up a more or 
less pronounced opposition to marriage 
vows. It was much more convenient to be 



106 Down in Porto Rico 

free to leave one partner and select another 
without any legal complications. The chil- 
dren did not constitute much of an obstacle 
to this custom, for up to the age of five or 
six they needed no clothing and they had 
little difficulty in finding something to eat. 
The mothers in many cases known to me 
personally did not hesitate to tell the names 
of the fathers of her different children, and 
seemed not to feel that there was any dis- 
grace attached to such conduct. Of course, 
there are many couples w T ho are as faithful 
to each other as though the marriage serv- 
ice had pronounced them man and wife, but 
this does not prove that it is the rule, as 
some writers have been led to assert. 
Change for Since the American occupation these non- 
the Better mora i an d immoral conditions have been 
rapidly changing for the better. This has 
been brought about by the strong opposing 
sentiment of the best Americans who live 
on the Island, by the moral teachings of 
the public schools, by the influence of the 
young men and the young women of Porto 
Rico who finish their education in the 
United States and return to the Island to 
live, and last, and perhaps greatest of all, 
by the examples and teachings of the many 



Morals and Religion 107 



&' 



missionaries, both ministers and religious 
lay-workers, who have been sent to Porto 
Rico for the sole purpose of raising the 
standards of manhood and womanhood. 

These men and women have denounced 
immoral practices not only among Porto 
Ricans, but also among Americans living 
on the island, and have wielded a great in- 
fluence in bringing about a healthier moral 
atmosphere among all classes. 

II. Catholicism 
In her discoveries and conquests, when 
Spain set up her banner, she also took pos- 
session in the name of the Catholic church. 
Priests or friars usually attended every ex- 
pedition, and the church was established 
in the first settlement. In Porto Rico, Co- 
lumbus raised the banner of Spain and the 
emblem of the Catholic church in 1493, and 
the two institutions thus represented con- 
tinued their close relationship until the 
American occupation in 1898. In order to 
understand just what power and influence 
the Church has exerted in Porto Rico, we 
shall consider her relations, first, to the 
Colonial Government; second, to the public 
funds; third, to public instruction; and 
fourth, to public morality. 



108 Down in Porto Eico 

When Bishop Manso arrived in Porto 
Beiationto Rico in 1513 as the first incumbent of that 
Government office, he was unable by moral suasion to 
control the people and set up the authority 
of the church. In 1519, he returned to 
Spain and secured for himself the power of 
Provincial Inquisitor. This clothed him 
with greater authority than that possessed 
by the Colonial Government. He at once 
instituted a vigorous campaign against 
those who did not submit to him. Diego 
Torres Vargas, Canon of San Juan Cathe- 
dral, says in his Memoirs: "The delin- 
quents were brought from all parts to be 
burned and punished here." According to 
Neumann, 2 they were not tied to a stake, 
but were enclosed in a hollow plaster cast, 
against which the fagots were piled, so that 
they were roasted rather than burned to 
death. This power was exerted in Porto 
Rico for three hundred years. 
Powe^ 6 During all of this period, from the in- 

vesting of Bishop Manso with the power 
of Provincial Inquisitor, in 1519, until 
1813, when the Inquisitor ceased to exist 
for a short time by virtue of the Spanish 



2 See Neumann, page 205. 



Morals and Keligion 109 

Cortes, no man was safe from its secret in- 
fluence. That its power was greater than 
the crown is thus set forth in the decree 
of the Cortes: 1 "Another notable circum- 
stance made the power of the Inquisitors 
General still more unusual; this was that, 
without consulting the King or the Supreme 
Pontiff, they dictated laws, changed them, 
abolished them, or substituted them by 
others, so that there was within the nation 
a judge, the Inquisitor General, whose pow- 
ers transcended those of the Sovereign." 

In the light of these facts, it is apparent 
that the church cannot escape responsibil- 
ity for the misgovernment of Porto Rico, 
since ecclesiastical dignitaries were invested 
with greater powers than were accorded to 
the civil officers appointed by the crown. 

During the first few years after the Span- Eelation t0 
ish conquest, the church was supported by the Public 
tithes and first fruits — taxes levied and col- 
lected directly by the priests. When more 
money was needed to meet the expenses of 
the Church, it was supplied by the Govern- 
ment. The municipalities also gave to each 
priest within their immediate vicinity $25 Tax 
a month. In 1501 this plan was changed Collectors 



J See Decree of Cortes of Cadiz, 1813. 



110 Down in Porto Eico 

so that the King's agents collected the 
taxes, and the church was sustained en- 
tirely from the royal treasury. The King, 
however, made the Bishop of Porto Kico 
and his successors his agents for collecting 
the money. 

In 1511 another modification provided 
that the tithes should be distributed as fol- 
lows: the Bishop, nine parts; the Dean and 
chapter, nine parts; Her Majesty, four 
parts; the Cathedral edifice, three parts; 
and the hospitals, three parts. This man- 
ner of distributing the funds seems to have 
been observed until 1815, when the King 
assumed the suport of the church and 
ordered the discontinuance of tithes. First 
fruits, however, were collected until 1865. 
In 1858, the Queen abolished all special 
fees and taxes and forbade the priests from 
Distribution collecting them. This order was quite gen- 
of Tithes erally disobeyed, for the priests still per- 
sisted in charging for baptisms, marriages 
and funerals, and they also received money 
called surplice and candle fees. The Gov- 
ernment continued to pay the salaries of the 
priests and most of the other expenses of 
the church until 1898. The budget for the 
support of the church in 1898-1899, the last 



Morals and Beli&ion 111 



&-* 



issued by the Government, was 197,945 pe- 
sos or Mexican dollars. The last budget 
paid by the Government was in 1897-1898 
and was distributed as follows: 

PESOS 

Cathedral clergy $ 42,400 

Parochial clergy 128,040 

Ecclesiastical judiciary 4,200 

Expense of bulls 62c 

Conciliar seminary 3,000 

Cathedral and parishes — materials 23,350 

Ecclesiastical judiciary — materials 135 

$201,745 

Besides these salaries which were paid to 
the clergy, other servants of the church ob- 
tained money from the public treasury. For 
example, sisters of charity each received 18 
pesos a month for their service in behalf of 
the poor and in the insane asylum; the Es- 
colapian Fathers received 12,940 pesos for 
managing a college in Santurce in which 
each pupil paid 25 pesos a month ; and nuns 
were paid for conducting a girls' school in 
which the dues per scholar were from 35 to 
40 pesos a month. 

Not only did the church receive from the church 
Government an annual budget for the sala- Pr °P ert y 
ries of the clergy and other church workers, 



'Collated by Order of the Vieario Capitular. See Commissioner Carroll's 
Report, page 658. 



112 Down in Porto Rico 

but the Church buildings were constructed 
in whole or in part by public funds. The 
government or the municipality would give 
the municipality as a rule furnished most 
of the money and a part was raised by sub- 
scription. The municipalities also kept the 
buildings in repair. 
separation When by American law there was a com- 

of 

Church plete separation of church and state, a dis- 
and state ^ u i e arose as to the ownership of these 
properties. The municipalities in many in- 
stances claim that as the churches had been 
built by money raised through taxation, 
they belong to the people of these munici- 
palities. In several cases the authorities 
claim that the churches belong to the govern- 
ment and are now United States property. 
The Catholic authorities, however, insist 
that all these buildings belong to the church, 
since they have held them undisturbed for 
over twenty years, which fact gives them a 
valid title. Moreover, some of the property 
which had been confiscated by and belonged 
to the Spanish Crown and was transferred 
to the American Government, is claimed by 
the Catholic church because it had originally 
been built for them. All of these cases are 
now in court awaiting a legal decision. 
All Government support of the church 



Morals and Religion 113 



o J 



ceased when Porto Rico became a part of the 
United States. The Catholic church here, 
like in other lands where church and state 
are entirely separate, finds it quite a hard- 
ship to be compelled to keep her hands out 
of the public treasury. 

Prior to 1815 non-Catholics were not per- 
mitted in Porto Rico. The "Act of Grace" Attitude 

Toward 

of that year admitted many Protestants to Protestants 
the Island, but the restrictions imposed 
upon them the following year and continued 
during the Spanish rule placed them at a 
great disadvantage. At the time of the 
American occupation there were only two 
Protestant churches in Porto Rico — one at 
Ponce and the other at Vieques, both under 
the direction of the Church of England. 

It follows that the Catholic church must 
be held responsible for the religious teach- Relation to 
ing or the lack of it among the people of instruction 
Porto Rico. That it has done much good, 
there is no reason to doubt. That it has 
been notoriously derelict in duty and cor- 
rupt in its organization, the facts of history 
abundantly prove. 

It is true that the Government built Neglect of 

Rural 

churches in every large town and in most Population 
of the smaller towns of the Island, and 



114 Down in Porto Rico 

services were maintained in them, but when 
it is remembered that over 75 per cent of 
the population is rural and that there are 
large numbers of mountain villages where 
no religious services have ever been held, 
and no effort put forth by the church to 
instruct these people, it is apparent to the 
casual observer that a large portion of the 
population has been neglected. There are 
many thousands of Porto Ricans who were 
never inside a church before Protestantism 
entered the Island. 

As a church she must be held responsible 

for the ignorance of the great masses of 

Failure to p rto Ricans, for she has always claimed 

Educate 

the right to educate her children. Notwith- 
standing the fact that church and state 
were practically one in Porto Rico, the cen- 
sus of 1899 shows that out of 659,294 who 
were over ten years of age, 524,878, or 79 
per cent, were unable to read and write. 
Yet, in the face of this stupendous failure, 
the Bishop of Porto Rico has the audacity 
to oppose the public school system as, in- 
troduced by the American Government. It 
is to the credit of the Porto Ricans that 
they disregard the advice of their eccle- 
siastical counselors, and the public schools 




Hormigueros 
Guayama 



Catholic Churches 



Morals and Religion 115 

are overflowing with children whose parents 
are anxious for them to secure an educa- 
tion. 

The Catholic church has also encouraged 
indolence. As stated before, Porto Rico ob- 
served, besides Sundavs, forty legal holi- ^ dolenee 

7 j ? «/ & Encouraged 

days which were prescribed by the church. 
On these days business of all kinds was 
practically suspended and the natives gave 
themselves to having a good time. 

Here, as in other Catholic countries, the 
Church took advantage of the ignorance 
and credulity of the masses. A number J^SJ 111011 
of myths were taught by the church and 
accepted by the superstitious and simple- 
minded people as miraculous manifesta- 
tions of supernatural power. One of the 
chief of these in Porto Rico is the legend 
of Monserrate. As the story goes, a man 
was plowing in the field near Hormigueros 
when the ox which he was driving turned 
and commenced goring him. In his distress 
he prayed to the Virgin Mary for help and 
immediately the ox fell to the ground with 
his legs broken. The Virgin then appeared 
to the man, who in gratitude promised to do 
whatever she commanded. Later she ap- 
peared to him again and ordered him to 
build a church on the hill for the purpose 



116 Down in Porto Eico 

of miraculous healing. He erected it ac- 
cording to her orders, on a sharp peak, 
where it stands prominently before the 
people of the adjacent town and country, 
and named it "The Church of our Lady of 
Monserrate." Here the poor deluded people 
from all parts of the Island come to seek 
relief from their sufferings. They present 
gifts suggestive of their infirmities. Silver 
or gold limbs or other members of the body, 
eyes of precious stones, and numerous ar- 
ticles of great value have been presented to 
the church, so that it has become wealthy. 
The interior is richly adorned with these 
gifts or with articles made from them. The 
altar weighing sixty-six pounds, made of 
solid silver, and a solid gold candlestick 
weighing fourteen pounds, have been 
moulded from the gifts of persons seeking 
divine healing. It is claimed that the or- 
naments in the church are valued at more 
than |100,000. 

In addition to the constant stream of per- 
sons seeking relief, the Church organizes 
an annual pilgrimage to this shrine. Ex- 
Pubiic cursions are run from all parts of the 
Island, priests urge their parishioners to at- 
tend, thousands of pilgrims make their way 



Eelation to 



Morals and Eeligion 117 

to this holy place, where the Bishop and 
other high ecclesiastics address them. Many 
cnres are reported, and incidentally much 
gold and silver flows into the Church cof- 
fers. Superstitions of this kind can only 
be made to disappear as the darkness of 
ignorance gives place to the dawn of educa- 
tion and intelligence. 

We have shown in our chapter on Moral 
Conditions that, after making due allow- 
ance for the floating Spanish population 
who expected to return to Spain, and who 
during their sojourn in Porto Kico gave rein 
to their baser appetites ; and after consider- 
ing the criminal classes, who made their 
homes here and helped to corrupt the na- 
tives, it must be admitted by the student of 
social conditions that the Church is to 
blame to a very great extent for the immoral 
status of this people. By their impure 
lives, the priests have caused the people 
to err in their judgment of moral stand- 
ards. By allowing immoral men and women 
to remain as communicants, the Church au- 
thorities condoned their offenses. By put- 
ting barriers in the way of legal matrimony, 
it encouraged a widespread system of con- 
cubinage. By the failure of the priests to 



118 Down in Porto Rico 

teach their parishoners the vital relation 
between religion and daily life, they have 
given them a wrong conception as to what 
constitutes true religion. Attending mass 
and confession, joining in the religious pro- 
cessions and observing "fiesta" days by re- 
fraining from labor, giving due reverence 
to the priests, conforming to certain cus- 
toms when within the church — these seem 
to represent the accepted ideas of what re- 
ligion has meant to average Porto Ricans. 
That they did not learn the true moral sig- 
nificance of Christianity must be charged to 
the false doctrines and the bad example 
of their spiritual teachers — the priests of 
the Catholic church. 

III. Protestantism 
With the advent of the American in 
Porto Rico came liberty of religious thought 
and opportunity to worship according to the 
inclination of the individual. Different 
Protestant denominations sent their repre- 
sentatives to the field for the purpose of 
establishing their work on the Island. It 
was evident that some kind of an arrange- 
ment should be made whereby they could 
work together harmoniously and to the 
best advantage. The different Missionary 



Morals and Religion 119 

Boards took up the question and agreed in 
a general way as to the plan of campaign. 

In the first place, it was decided that the 
two chief cities, San Juan and Ponce, should A Work i ng 
be open to all denominations for whatever ^ an 
work they cared to begin. In the second 
place, the Island was divided up among the 
Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists and 
Congregationalists, with due provision for 
the work of other denominations. In a 
general way the Presbyterians were held 
responsible for the evangelization of the 
western section of the Island, the Congre- 
gationalists the eastern section, and the 
Methodists and Baptists the great central 
section. In the third place, it was under- 
stood that whenever any evangelical de- 
nomination entered a town or village and 
maintained regular preaching services, the 
other denominations would not intrude. 
This last rule has applied to all evangelical 
denominations doing missionary work in 
Porto Rico, and has proved to be a bene- 
ficial arrangement. Large and small de- 
nominations are both protected from undue 
rivalry and from waste of energy. 

It is scarcely necessary to say that Prot- ^® and , 
estant missionaries were received with hos- 



120 Down in Porto Rico 

tility on the part of the Roman priesthood. 
The people were told about these heretics 
and the ruin they would bring to the coun- 
try. Religious services were frequently in- 
terrupted and the missionary was often an 
object of hatred by those who were in- 
fluenced by the ecclesiastical leaders. The 
faithful were warned not to go near the 
Protestant services, and dire threats were 
made to those who attended regardless of 
the warnings of the priests. This seems 
rather to have helped than to have hindered 
the work of the missionary. The people 
early learned that the priest under the 
American Government does not have the 
power that he possessed under Spanish 
rule. They found out that it was perfectly 
safe for them to attend religious services of 
any kind without fear of punishment. As 
a result, whenever a preaching place was 
opened, the people in large numbers 
thronged the house to hear what the min- 
ister had to say and to take part in singing 
Gospel hymns. At first it was largely a 
matter of curiosity that brought the people, 
but as they kept on coming they became 
interested in the services, and large num- 



of Song 



Morals and Religion 121 

bers enrolled themselves as candidates for 
Church membership. 

One of the chief attractions of Protestant The Power 
services was the singing of Gospel songs. 
The people had not been accustomed to 
singing either church music or popular 
songs. In the Catholic church, they were 
used to hearing the chants and to take some 
part in singing them in the Latin language. 
The enthusiastic singing of hymns written 
in Spanish, with a message in the words 
that was readily understood and that ap- 
pealed strongly to their emotional nature, 
was a decided contrast to anything that they 
had previously known. Those who came out 
of curiosity soon wanted to join in the sing- 
ing, and once they had found out how easy 
it was to learn these songs, they became 
more deeply interested and more regular in 
their attendance. The Church music of the 
Protestants has been and is still a strong 
factor in bringing the people to the religious 
services and in leading them to become 
members of the church. 

The ministers insisted that it was impos- 
sible to build up a Christian nation without 
first having Christian homes. No matter 
what professions men or women made as 
to conversion or change of life, they would 



122 Down in Porto Eico 

not be received into the church until they 
were willing to marry the companion that 
he or she had been living with illegally for 
years. The pastors made no charges for 
performing the marriage ceremony, and in 
many cases put themselves to great incon- 
venience to secure the necessary legal pa- 
pers so that there might be no obstruction 
placed in the way of marriage. As a re- 
sult of this attitude, large numbers of men 
and women all over the Island were legally 
joined together, and thus placed not only 
themselves but their children in a position 
of honor where before they had been living 
in dishonor, even though there was little 
public sentiment against such conduct. The 
Protestant church has emphasized the sanc- 
tity of home life in a way that was never 
known before to the people of this Island. 
a Moral Not only has Protestantism been a great 

Force 

moral force in the Island by virtue of estab- 
lishing legal homes among the people, but 
by its firm stand against immoral social 
conditions it has done much to purify the 
moral atmosphere. It has preached in no 
uncertain tones against the system of con- 
cubinage and of impurity of life among all 
classes. It has refused to take men and 







Representatives of Protestantism 
An Itinerant Preacher 
A Modern Church 



Morals and Religion 123 



&v 



women into its membership who have been 
guilty of immoral practices until they have 
shown evidence of a complete change of 
life, and have been willing so far as lay in 
their power to right the wrongs they had 
committed. 

To raise a high moral standard of this 
kind among people who had been used to 
impurity of life in its priesthood, among 
the so-called higher classes, and quite gen- 
erally among the lower classes, required 
great moral courage. One of the highest 
tributes that can be paid to the Porto Rican 
people is that they have responded to these 
appeals to their noblest nature, and the 
standards thus set up have called forth the 
devotion and loyalty of many thousands of 
Porto Ricans who show by their lives that 
they are earnestly striving to live up to this 
higher life that has been opened to their 
view. 

So energetic have the missionaries been Progress 
in extending their work, and so eager have 
the people been to receive them, that there 
is not a city or large town and not many 
villages where Protestant services are not 
held regularly. 

That Protestantism is having a strong 



124 Down in Porto Eico 

J5f<5£ nce t influence in developing character is evident 
on all sides. Men who were given to drink- 
ing rum have become total abstainers. 
Gamblers have been changed into honest 
men. Great changes have taken place 
among men and women with respect to the 
kind of language they use and to truthful- 
ness of speech. Greatest of all, high stand- 
ards of morality have been set up that are 
having a wonderful influence in attracting 
the people from the filth of social impurity 
to the beauty of a pure life. Through Protest- 
ant agencies, assisted and strengthened by 
the general diffusion of knowledge, Porto 
Eico is rapidly being regenerated, and her 
children will soon be as intelligent and as 
moral as those of any other part of the 
Great Eepublic. 



CHAPTER VI 

Industrial and Political Situation 
I. Industrial Conditions 

The chief occupation of the Porto Ricans Agriculture 
is agriculture and stock raising. The Island 
is especially adapted to these pursuits, since 
the soil is fertile, the climate is mild, and 
there is an abundance of rain. 

There is but little manufacturing carried Manufactories 
on here, for during the Spanish regime the 
policy pursued was to keep the Porto Ricans 
from making anything for themselves that 
could be manufactured in Spain. This 
benefited the workingmen and merchants 
of Spain at the expense of the Porto Ricans. 

There was not much work for the artisans 
of the Island, since there was but little 
building activity to engage masons, carpen- 
ters, painters, etc., and there were several 
times as many men in all the other trades 
as the needs of the people demanded. 

Almost all of the remunerative positions Good Positions 
were closed to the natives and were filled i a rds J PJm- 
by Spaniards. With but few exceptions 
the merchants and their clerks, the land- 

125 



126 Down in Porto Rico 

owners and their overseers, claimed Spain 
as their home and remained in Porto Rico 
for the sake of gain and with the expecta- 
tion of returning to their native land. Thus 
both in agriculture and commerce the door 
of opportunity was closed to the Porto Ri- 
can. If he turned his face toward civil, 
military or professional life, he received but 
little encouragement, for the officers of the 
Government, the soldiers of the Island, the 
school teachers and the priests were, as a 
rule, Spaniards. About the only thing left 
for the natives was the menial service of 
country and town. 

Srerf ™ s class of labor brought from thirty 
to fifty cents a day, Mexican money. Even 
then the laborer did not have regular 
work, and on some of the plantations he 
received his meagre pay in tickets on the 
owner's store, where prices were often ex- 
orbitant. These facts explain why out of 
a population of a million people more than 
three fourths of them lived in poverty. 
Without means to buy nourishing food, they 
subsisted on such fruits and vegetables as 
they could secure, and, as they were able, 
they added rice and salt codfish to their 
frugal fare. The pangs of hunger were 




Industrial Scenes 
Wholesale Street in San Juan 
Preparing a i 7 :eld for Cane 



Industrial and Political Situation 127 

often relieved by the use of rum or tobacco, 
and the result of such a mode of life is now 
discernible in the weak and ansemic condi- 
tion of great numbers of the poor. 

1 The census of 1899 shows that out of a occupation of 
population of about half a million of per- 
sons of working age, 198,761 were engaged 
in agriculture, mining and fishing. It is 
estimated that less than 1,000 were engaged 
in the two latter classes, leaving about 197,- 
761 agriculturists. There were 64,819 non- 
agriculturist laborers; 26,515 engaged in 
manufacturing and trades; 24,076 in com- 
merce and transportation; and 2,194 in the 
profession class. There were unemployed 
183,635 — one-third of whom were men and 
two thirds women. These figures show that 
about 63 per cent of the persons employed 
in any regular pursuit were agriculturists. 
The people depended almost wholly upon 
the soil for their support. Every portion of 
the Island is capable of being cultivated 
from the seashore to the tops of the hills. 
Notwithstanding this favorable natural con- 
dition, out of a total area of 2 2,347,520 
acres, only 464,361 acres, or 20 per cent, are 



1 Census 1899 

3 See Governor's Report, page 38, 1901 



128 Down in Porto Kico 

under cultivation. Poor roads, an absent 
or unsympathetic landlord class, and a pov- 
erty-stricken peasant class are chiefly re- 
sponsible for the existence of this unfor- 
tunate agricultural condition. 
Poor The Commissioner of Interior in his re-< 

Roads 

port to the Governor in 1901 states that the 
principal cause of these conditions is due 
to the poor roads. He says : 1 "I lack com- 
mand of language to express concisely and 
within the scope of this report the impor- 
tance of good roads and bridges to the fu- 
ture development of the material interests 
of the Island, the prosperity and happiness 
of the people. Spanish officials promised 
a great deal and planned much, but exe- 
cuted very little. As a result, the desire 
of the wealthy and favored few to keep the 
masses poor and dependent, that the price 
of labor might ever be low, was surely ac- 
complished. 

"An observant American coming to Porto 
Rico and visiting the interior, revels in ad- 
miration of the magnificent scenery, and is 
duly impressed by evidences of the exuber- 
ant fertility of the soil and its adaptability 



1 See Governor's Report, 1901, page 315 



Industrial and Political Situation 129 

to the cultivation of all sorts of tropical 
products. He meets the people by the way, 
and if at first he wonders why, amidst such 
surroundings, so many people should ap- 
pear to be victims of hunger and starva- 
tion, he learns without asking that the chief 
cause for the non-employment of labor, for 
abandoned or scantily cultivated farms and 
untouched areas of land presenting a jungle 
of trees, plants and vines in mute testimony 
of its richness, lies in the impossibility of 
reaching a market with the products of the 
soil." Poor roads, however, do not give a 
full explanation. 

1 With all the untilled acres of fertile 
land, the staple food of the people, rice, 
which can be raised in Porto Rico, was the 
chief article of import. In 1897 about 
78,000,000 pounds of rice were imported 
into this Island. This had to be carried 
into the interior over roads that were con- 
sidered too bad to bring products to market. 
While poor roads contributed to the de- 
plorable economic condition, the chief cause, 
in our judgment, is found in the fact that 
there was scarcely any middle class. The 



See Estadistica General, 1897 



130 



Down in Porto Rico 



Americans 
"Welcomed 



The Coffee 
Trade 



population consisted of wealthy land-owners 
and the dependent poverty-stricken laborers 
who were kept down by those in power. 

Such were the class distinctions and the 
unfavorable industrial conditions that ex- 
isted in Porto Rico when Spanish rule, 
which had lasted for over four centuries, 
came to an end and the American Republic 
assumed control. 

The Americans were gladly welcomed by 
the Porto Ricans because they represented 
liberty, prosperity and opportunity. This 
feeling of cordiality in large measure has 
been supplanted by one of discontent or 
open hostility. What has caused this 
change? The United States has done much 
for this people, educationally and morally, 
which we have already discussed in pre- 
vious chapters. What she has done politic- 
ally, we shall take up later on. At this 
point, we shall consider the question, What 
has been the result of American rule upon 
the industrial conditions? 

The three great crops of the Island are 
coffee, tobacco, and sugar. * In 1897, the 
value of the coffee exported was 12,222,600 
pesos. Spain received almost one third of 

1 See Estadistica General 1897 



Industrial and Political Situation 131 

this amount, or a value of 3,563,921 pesos. 
Other European countries bought the re- 
mainder with the exception of about one 
five-hundredth part, valued at 24,957 pesos, 
which was received by the United States. 
The important coffee market for Porto Rico 
was Spain, the United States buying so 
little Porto Rican coffee that it need 
scarcely be considered. 

Shortly after Spain relinquished her pos- J?* 6 , 
session of Porto Rico, she placed a tariff on Lost 
coffee from the Island, which was not quite 
prohibitive, but which was disastrous to the 
coffee industry. Prices paid for coffee in 
Porto Rico were so low that the planters 
could scarcely afford to market the berries. 
This worked great hardship among the la- 
borers, many of whom were thrown out of 
employment, and large numbers could 
hardly earn enough money to keep them 
from starving. 1 The value of the coffee 
exported in 1901 was $3,195,662 as against 
an average value of annual shipment from 
1892 to 1896 of f 10,872,000. 

In addition to the distress caused by the coffee 
loss of their market, the coffee planters suf- 5^ ed 
fered a great disaster through the hurri- 



1 Governor's Report, 1903, page 34 



132 Down in Porto Rico 

cane of 1899. The storm swept over the 
Island with such fury that coffee trees were 
destroyed, buildings were blown down, 
much of the soil on the coffee plantations 
was washed down into the valleys, and the 
coffee industry was paralyzed. Many of the 
planters had mortgaged their crops and 
were unable to secure more money to put 
their farms in repair. This resulted in great 
additions to the already large army of the 
unemployed. Because of these two great 
Mows to the coffee industry, economic con- 
ditions have been much depressed through- 
out the Island. 

It is true that these conditions have been 
much relieved by the increased activity in 
the sugar industry, but the area of the cane- 
fields is very limited compared with that de- 
voted to the growing of coffee. In 1897, the 
value of the sugar exported was over $4,000,- 
000, while in 1902-3, the value had in- 
creased to over |7,500,000. This has helped 
to counteract the financial distress caused 
by the disasters to the coffee crop. 

There has also been a considerable amount 
of American money invested in fruit farms. 
It is too early to state whether these ven- 
tures will prove successful or not, since time 



Industrial and Political Situation 133 

enough has not yet elapsed to produce fruit- 
bearing trees. If fruit farms are scientific- 
ally cultivated in Porto Bico, and adequate 
transportation facilities are afforded, there 
seems to be no reason why this tropical Is- 
land lying so near to the New York market 
should not become rich as a producer of 
tropical fruits and vegetables. 

There has been quite an increase in the 
amount of tobacco grown and exported since 
the American occupation. This crop is con- 
tinually enlarging and adding to the wealth 
of the Island. Normal commercial condi- 
tions, however, have not yet been reached. 
This is shown by comparison of the value of 
imports and exports in different years. * In 
1897, the exports amounted to $18,574,678, 
and the imports to $17,858,063, giving a 
trade balance of $716,615 in favor of Porto 
Rico. Every year after this until 1903, the 
trade balance was against her. In 1903, the 
value of imports was $14,179,575, and the 
value of exports $14,866,644, giving for the 
first time under American rule a balance of 
trade in favor of the Island. Even with this 
very great improvement over the other years 
of American occupation, it will be noticed 

1 Governor's Report 1903, page 22 



134 Down in Porto Rico 

that both imports and exports fall short 
more than three and a half million dollars 
apiece of what they were for the last year 
that Spain ruled. 

If, in the prosperous year of 1897, there 
were nearly 200,000 persons unemployed, it 
can readily be seen that this number was 
greatly augmented during these years of 
hard times. It is, therefore, scarcely to be 
wondered at that these persons blame the 
ruling power for the cause of their poverty 
and their distress. This is only human na- 
ture and what we could logically expect in 
any country. It is not just to dismiss the 
complaints and the grievances of the Porto 
Ricans by calling them ingrates and incap- 
able of appreciating what has been done for 
them. The cause of the strong anti- Ameri- 
can feeling that is found among some classes 
of Porto Ricans is due very largely to eco- 
nomic conditions which would influence the 
people of any other land in much the same 
way. 

On the other hand, we must not forget 
that the United States has done much to 
relieve these unfortunate conditions. In the 
Organic Act approved April 12, 1900, it was 
provided 1 "That the duties and taxes col- 

1 Organic Act, Section 4 



this Gift 



Industrial and Political Situation 135 

lected in Porto Eico in pursuance of this 
Act, less the cost of collecting the same, and 
the gross amount of all collections of duties 
and taxes in the United States upon articles 
of merchandise coming from Porto Rico, 
shall not be covered into the general fund 
of the Treasury, but shall be held as a sepa- 
rate fund, and shall be placed at the disposal 
of the President to be used for the govern- 
ment and benefit of Porto Rico." Congress 
voted $2,000,000 for the refunding of the 
duties paid from 1898 to this date. 

Thus the Government provided that cus- useot 
toms receipts which are used in the United 
States for Federal purposes only, should in 
this case be used for local needs. The first 
appropriation was the sum of * f 200,000 
which was paid to the treasurer of Porto 
Rico, for the exclusive use of the Depart- 
ment of Education for school extension in 
Porto Rico. This has been added to until in 
1904, the amount used in building school- 
houses was over half a million dollars. 2 The 
rest of this fund was devoted chiefly to the 
building of good roads. This gift from the 
national treasury to the treasury of Porto 
Rico ought to be, and no doubt is, duly ap- 
preciated. The Commissioner of Interior 

1 Governor's Report, 1904, page 33 

2 Governor's Report, 1901, page 279 



136 Down in Porto Rico 

stated that good roads were an absolute 
necessity to the prosperity of the Island. 
The Commissioner of Education pointed out 
the fact that Spain only gave one school 
building in Porto Eico to the American 
Government, and he emphasized the imme- 
diate need of constructing schoolhouses. 
The liberality of the Federal Government 
has made possible the construction of more 
than twice as many miles of good roads as 
Spain built during four hundred years of 
occupancy. It has also resulted in the dot- 
ting of the whole Island with schoolhouses 
where the children can be comfortably seated 
and be given an American public school 
education. 

Continued Nor has the United States Government 
been satisfied with extending this much 
assistance. She has provided that all the 
regular customs receipts of Porto Rico shall 
be applied annually for the benefit of the 
Islanders. This is a favor that has not been 
granted to any other part of the United 
States. In this respect Porto Rico has been 
most kindly considered by the National 
Government. 

a Harmful In April 1900, Congress, with the best of 
.estnction mo ft veg? provided for the protection of the 



Industrial and Political Situation 137 

Porto Ricans from greedy corporations. It 
was thought that the land of Porto Rico 
should be owned by her own people and not 
by large land companies. It was, therefore, 
enacted that no corporation should control 
more than 500 acres of land, and any per- 
son owning a share in one agricultural cor- 
poration was prohibited from owning any 
stock of another corporation engaged in 
agriculture. Instead of a blessing, this has 
proved a curse to the Island. Porto Ricans 
were too poor to develop the land them- 
selves, and what was needed most was for- 
eign capital. But capital was unwilling to 
go to Porto Rico under these restrictions. 
To profitably run a sugar plantation and 
mill from 5,000 acres to 20,000 acres are 
needed. Large tracts of land are also needed 
for tobacco, coffee and fruit farms. Amer- 
ican capital has been invested in some of 
these enterprises, but they have had to vio- 
late the spirit, if not the letter, of this pro- 
hibitive law. In the light of its results, it 
is eminently desirable that this harmful 
restriction should at once be removed. 

Porto Rico has made several requests of Requests 
the United States that have not been not Graated 



138 **" Down in Porto Rico 

granted, but this is not due to want of in- 
terest, or lack of desire to improve the eco- 
nomic condition of Porto Rico, but because 
the petitions were not in accord with the 
policy of the Government. 

For example, to help the coffee growers, 
two plans were proposed. One was to have 
the United States place a tariff on coffee 
imported from foreign countries. This 
would tax all coffee drinkers in the nation 
for the sake of providing a market for the 
coffee of Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philip- 
pines, which produce but a small percent- 
age of the total amount imported into the 
United States. The other proposal was for 
the Federal Government to pay a bounty 
on coffee raised in Porto Rico. Neither of 
these propositions commended themselves to 
the people of the United States and no 
special help has been afforded the coffee 
planters. What would seem to be a saner 
solution of this problem would be the cul- 
tivation of the coffee plantations according 
to modern methods so that the output could 
be largely increased and the planter be 
placed in a position where he could compete 
. . .. .in the different coffee markets of the world. 

Agricultural 

Loan Another movement that was very popu- 



Industrial and Political Situation 139 

lar among the Porto Ricans was the effort 
to secure a large insular loan for the pro- 
motion of agriculture. This loan was to be 
made directly by Congress or by private 
parties with the consent of Congress. The 
movement failed because the Insular Coun- 
cil and the House of Delegates could not 
agree upon a plan for the distribution of 
the funds in case they could be secured. 

That Porto Rico needs help in secur- a Problem 
ing better economic conditions is apparent 
to all who have studied this question. How 
to render assistance, and at the same time 
make the people more self-reliant, is a prob- 
lem that has not yet been solved. In the 
first place, it would be well if the Federal 
Government would remove the restrictions 
against the large investment of capital, then 
to render increased assistance in providing 
adequate school facilities for all the chil- 
dren of school age. In a few years Porto 
Rico ought to have an educated, intelligent 
population abundantly able to work out 
their own problems and to dignify labor 
which is now regarded as belonging to the 
peon class. It is our conviction that what 
Porto Rico needs more than any other one 
thing in improving her economic condition 



140 



Down in Porto Rico 



Privileges 
Granted by 
the Spanish 
Government 



is a large class of intelligent workingmen 
who are not averse to earnest, diligent 
labor. 

II. The Political Situation 

During the centuries of Spanish rule, 
Porto Eicans had very little opportunity for 
the exercise of their political tendencies. 
Not until 1870 were they given the specific 
right of suffrage, and then it was so limited 
that a very few, about 20,000, were permit- 
ted to vote for provincial deputies and mu- 
nicipal councilors, who were practically 
nominated by the Crown. 

In 1897, owing, no doubt, to the pressure 
that was being applied by the United States 
to Spain in the interests of Cuba, an auto- 
nomical form of government was granted 
to Porto Eico. This extended the franchise 
to male Spaniards over twenty-five years of 
age who had resided in the municipality for 
two years — criminals and bankrupts ex- 
cepted. The voting population then num- 
bered about 150,000. The only election un- 
der this law was held on March 27, 1898. 
,This was said to have been manipulated by 
Sagasta, the Prime Minister, so that all 
those elected were his nominees. This so- 



Military 
Provisions 



Industrial and Political Situation 141 

called self-government had just been started 
when the United States army of occupation 
took charge of the Island. 

1 The military government provided the American 
following qualifications of electors: 

1. He must be a bona fide male resident, 
over twenty-one years of age, and must have 
resided in Porto Kico for two years and 
in the municipality for six months previous 
to the election. Or he must be a citizen or 
subject of a foreign country, who, fulfill- 
ing the requirements stated above as to sex, 
age and residence in the municipality, has 
resided five years in Porto Eico, and has, 
under oath, renounced his foreign allegiance 
and declared his intention to become a citi- 
zen of the United States. 

2. He must be a taxpayer of record, who, 
subsequent to July 11, 1898, and previous 
to October 12, 1899, paid at least $1 of 
some kind of regular tax for the support of 
the Government, not including payments 
for licenses, fees, fines, duties, imports, and 
other temporary charges ; taxes paid on the 
property of a wife, minor child, or member 
of a firm or corporation to qualify the re- 
spective husband, father or partner as an 



1 See Military Government Porto Rico 



142 Down in Porto Rico 

eligible taxpayer. Or he must be able to 
read and write some language. 

The elections held under the military 
government were the first in Porto Rico 
where there was an honest effort to secure 
just returns. Where irregularities occurred, 
elections were repeated. Where there were 
attempts at fraud, a strict investigation was 
made, and in one case at least a criminal 
prosecution followed. Partisan spirit was 
intensely bitter during the elections and 
has remained so ever since. 
a Warning The political leaders were intent upon 
securing selfish ends and only the strong 
hand of the Government prevented deadly 
riots. The result of the voting showed that 
51,650 votes were cast. In commenting 
upon the qualifications of voters in Porto 
Rico, General Davis says : * "It seems abso- 
lutely essential that the franchise in Porto 
Rico be restricted on some basis that shall 
prevent the political control from passing 
into the hands of the vast horde of the ig- 
norant, who have no conception of the duties 
of citizenship, a condition that is recognized 
and admitted by the most intelligent and 
patriotic Porto Ricans. ... If universal 

1 Military Government Porto Rico, page 114 



Industrial and Political Situation 143 

or manhood suffrage be given to the Porto 
Ricans, bad results are almost sure to fol- 
low. The vast majority of the people are 
no more fit to take part in self-government 
than are our reservation Indians, from 
whom the suffrage is withheld unless they 
pay taxes. They certainly are far inferior 
in the social, intellectual and industrial 
scale to the Chinese, who, for very good 
reasons, are forbidden to land on our shores. 
The ignorant masses will be manipulated 
and controlled and corrupted by the polit- 
ical bosses, just as they were accustomed to 
be by their former masters. They will be 
subservient to their new masters, and what- 
ever party can sway and dictate to the 
masses will control their votes." 

Notwithstanding this word of warning, Provisions of 
the law was so constructed that at the first Government 
election under the civil government there 
was practically universal suffrage. It reads 
as follows : 1 "Any male citizen over the age 
of twenty-one years who, on the day of reg- 
istration, produces to the Board of Regis- 
try, a tax receipt showing the payment of 
any kind of taxes for the last six months 
of the year in which the election is held." 

1 Military Government Porto Rico, Page 114 



144 Down in Porto Rico 

All that was necessary was a receipt show- 
ing payment of some kind of taxes within 
six months from the day of registration. 
The lowest tax is three cents for the privi- 
lege of depositing a basket of vegetables on 
the floor of the market place and selling 
them. A receipt for three cents entitles the 
holder to the right of suffrage. The result 
was a registry list of 158,924 voters. 
p™ os° litiCal Immediately after the American occupa- 
tion, the people of Porto Eico divided them- 
selves into two parties — the Republican and 
the Federal. There was very little differ- 
ence in the principles announced in their 
platforms. They were alike in declaring 
their loyalty to the United States, in de- 
siring a Territorial Government, and at an 
early date, Statehood. Both declared them- 
selves to be in favor of universal suffrage, 
free schools, American money, free trade 
with the United States, and in hearty sym- 
pathy with the American judicial system. 
In addition to these statements, the Fed- 
erals advocated local autonomy, the grant- 
ing of larger powers to the city councils, the 
chartering of banks, and claimed to be the 
champion of the laboring man. 

The Republicans advocated free speech 



Industrial and Political Situation 145 

and a free press, the American system of 
taxation, and the teaching of English in 
the public schools. The Republicans, up to 
1904, generally supported the American ad- 
ministration, while the Federals more or 
less actively opposed it. 

The most intense feeling is indulged in Bitter 
by the members of the different parties. FeeUns 
Men of one party frequently will not speak 
to those of the other. The newspapers use 
the most intemperate language in regard to 
their political opponents. Hatreds are in- 
tense and lead to riots. Just before the 
November elections in 1900 a number of 
clashes occurred which resulted in blood- 
shed. In San Juan, mob law prevailed for 
several days. A printing press was de- 
stroyed, hundreds of shots were fired, the 
police were helpless, and the city was at the 
mercy of the rioters. When the Federals 
realized that they would be defeated at the 
polls, they issued orders for all Federals to 
refrain from voting. The very thing that 
General Davis had predicted had already 
come to pass. The ignorant, unthinking 
masses followed blindly the leadership of a 
demagogue without giving a thought to 



146 Down in Porto Eico 

principles of government or to the good of 
the Island. 

In 1902, the Federalists were in the field 
again, and ante-election hatreds were stirred 
up. Intense excitement prevailed, riots 
broke out, and blood flowed. As the Re- 
publicans had supported the Government 
and had the majority of votes, they were 
given a majority of the election officers. It 
is claimed that there was considerable fraud 
and some intimidation on the part of the 
Republicans. However that may be, the 
returns showed that five of the seven legis- 
lative districts had gone Republican, and 
this fact increased the animosity of the 
party which had been defeated. The excit- 
able nature and the uncompromising tem- 
perament of Latin Americans make it diffi- 
cult for them to learn the lesson of govern- 
ment by majority rule. 
change of i n the spring of 1904, the leader of the 

Party Lines ' 

Federal party, who then lived in New York, 
met the representatives of his party and ad- 
vised them to disband and form a new pa- 
triotic organization that would refrain from 
voting and would seek only the good of 
Porto Rico. This advice was followed, the 
Federal party was dissolved, and a non- 



Winthrop 



Industrial and Political Situation 147 

voting Union party was organized. This 
created great dissatisfaction among the for- 
mer Federals, and before the time of the 
election, the Union party had a ticket in 
the field and five of the seven districts re- 
turned Union majorities. 

On July 4th preceding the 1904 elections, governor 
a new Governor was inaugurated. Each 
party sought the favor of the new execu- 
tive. It soon became rumored that he was 
inclined to listen to the leaders of the 
Union party. Governor Winthrop's friends 
claimed that he was impartial and decided 
questions without any partisan bias. In the 
November elections, the Insular Govern- 
ment took measures to prevent disorders 
and fraud at the polls. The Unionists 
claim that this secured an honest election 
which resulted in victory for their party. 
The Republicans charge the Government 
with using its influence in favor of their 
opponents and thus caused a panic among 
the large number of the peon class that had 
been accustomed to vote the Republican 
ticket. Partially as a result of this elec- 
tion, the Republican party is now strongly 
against the government, and vies with its 
rival in trying to secure favor among the 



148 Down in Porto Eico 

voters by means of bitter denunciations of 
the American rulers. 
a** 1 ". . At the present time, therefore, we find 

Americanism 7 7 

the great majority of the people of Porto 
Eico either dissatisfied with the American 
Government or openly hostile to it. In a 
preceding chapter, we pointed out that the 
chief cause of discontent is found in the 
economic conditions that have obtained 
during American rule. The natural way 
for the expression of industrial discon- 
tent is through political channels. It is so 
in our own States. If a panic occurs dur- 
ing a Eepublican administration, that 
party is held responsible for it in the minds 
of the great masses of the people. Or if 
there is a financial depression during a 
Democratic administration, the people call 
the Democrats to account for it. During 
the seven years of American rule in Porto 
Eico, the people have been subjected to hard 
times. It is only natural that they should 
find fault with the Government, and then, 
when relief failed to come, to assume a hos- 
tile attitude toward it. The probabilities 
are that if Porto Eico had enjoyed favor- 
able industrial conditions, there would have 
been little fault found with the political 
management of Insular affairs. It is well 



Industrial and Political Situation 149 

to keep this in mind as we study the politi- 
cal grievances of the people. 

The Insular Government is vested in a p re sent 
House of Delegates elected by the people, Government 
an Executive Council of eleven members 
appointed by the President of the United 
States, and the Governor, who is also ap- 
pointed by the President. Five of the mem- 
bers of the Executive Council are Porto 
Ricans. The other six are Americans, who 
are the heads of Government departments. 
They are the Secretary, Attorney General, 
Treasurer, Auditor, Commissioner of In- 
terior, and Commissioner of Education. 

At first this form of government seemed seifGovem- 
satisfactory to the Porto Eicans. To give ment Desired 
to people who had exercised but little power 
in self-government the entire lower House 
and five of the eleven members of the upper 
House seemed a liberal concession on the 
part of Congress. But as the years have 
gone, there has developed a strong feeling 
that greater legislative power should be 
given to the people of the Island. Perhaps 
this was best expressed in the Convention 
of Municipal Delegates that met in San 
Juan, July 25, 1905. They petitioned that 
the executive and legislative functions of 



150 Down in Porto Rico 

the Government be separated. That is, that 
the heads of departments should not be 
members of the upper House. They re- 
quested that the members of the upper 
House as well as the lower House be elected 
by the people, and the heads of departments 
be appointed by the Governor with the ap- 
proval of the upper House. 
American To some Americans who are all sympathy 
^ncourage- ^.^ i mme diate self-government, these re- 
quests seem reasonable, and they urge that 
they be granted. It ought not to be for- 
gotten that many felt the same way toward 
the emancipated slaves at the close of the 
Civil War. Universal negro suffrage fol- 
lowed and the disastrous results both to 
black and white men of the South is a mat- 
ter of history. We have already made the 
mistake in Porto Rico of putting the ballot 
into the hands of one hundred thousand men 
who can neither read nor write and who 
know no more about self-government than 
the ex-slave did at the close of the Civil 
War. Now, shall we turn over the entire 
legislature of the Island to people who have 
had so little instruction or experience in 
American statesmanship? 

It is believed by many who have studied 



Industrial and Political Situation 151 

the problem of self-government for Porto 
Rico that already more power has been 
given the people than they are prepared to 
exercise wisely. It was a great mistake to 
bestow the right of suffrage upon perhaps 
two thirds of the voters of this Island, be- 
cause of their ignorance and their utter in- 
ability to understand the issues before the 
people. To have two such votes for every 
intelligent vote is a condition that is omi- 
nous to the honest administration of any 
government. 

Governor Hunt who was sometimes 
charged with being too conciliatory in his 
attitude toward the Porto Ricans and of 
having ultra-optimistic views of their prog- 
ress in self-government, has this to say: 

1 "It is probable that a majority of all the 
people want Territorial Government. But 
those of us who have participated in affairs 
for several years unanimously believe that 
the present form of government ought not 
to be changed now. It is liberal in its ex- 
tension of political autonomy and most gen- 
erous in its financial benefits. The creation 
of a house of delegates conferred vast power 
upon the people, considering their limited 

1 Report of Governor of Porto Rico, 1903, page 13 



152 Down in Porto Rico 

government in the past. It is perhaps the 
severest test to which they are being put, 
and the legislative sessions will be anxions 
times for years to come." 
Advice Not During the first few sessions of the legis- 
lature there was a desire to be directed 
somewhat by the Governor and the Execu- 
tive Council. Now the delegates seem to 
feel that they know better than any one else 
what laws should be passed. If they are not 
able to carry their bills through the Exec- 
utive Council, they sulk and refuse to at- 
tend to any further business. This was 
strikingly demonstrated in the special ses- 
sion held in 1904. The previous session 
had passed an agricultural loan bill and 
satisfactory arrangements were made in the 
United States for floating the loan. The 
Governor then called a special session to 
complete negotiations for the loan and to 
determine what disposition should be made 
of the money. The House of Delegates were 
determined that a large part of it should 
be loaned to the farmers to pay off their 
mortgages. The Executive Council would 
not agree to this scheme of the government 
going into a mortgage business, and refused 
to authorize the loan for that purpose The 




Patriotic Demonstrations 
Fourth of July Celebration 
Public School Parade 



Industrial and Political Situation 158 

House of Delegates then decided to do no 
further business. The Governor called the 
attention of the House to a clerical error by 
which the Government was losing a large 
sum annually on the internal revenue tax. 
The previous sessions had imposed a tax 
of a certain sum per hundred cigars. In 
copying, an extra cipher had been added by 
the clerk making it read per thousand. 
Notwithstanding the fact that the delegates 
knew that it was a clerical error and would 
mean a large loss for the Insular Govern- 
ment, because of their anger at the Execu- 
tive Council, they would not correct the 
mistake. It was not until the session was 
almost ready to adjourn that some of the 
leaders took the matter up and had it ad- 
justed by a majority of one vote. Should 
men capable of such action as this have the 
full responsibility of the government of 
one million souls placed in their hands at 
once? It is hoped by many of Porto Bico's 
friends that the American Government will 
not place more power in the hands of the 
native politicians until they show favorable 
signs of being able to administer it wisely. 

Another political grievance of the Island- ^f™J^ 
ers is the decision of the United States 



154 Down in Porto Rico 

Court that Porto Kieans are not American 
citizens. They have lost their citizenship 
in Spain, they are not an independent na- 
tion, now they learn that they are not citi- 
zens of the United States. They belong to 
no country, they are waifs among the na- 
tions of the world. They cannot be natural- 
ized because they are not foreigners. They 
cannot be admitted to the privileges of 
American citizens, for they are neither na- 
tive-born nor adopted Americans. Is it any 
wonder that this wounds the pride of the 
Porto Rican and gives rise to hard feelings 
against a Government that permits such un- 
just discrimination? Congress should take 
immediate action in this matter and give 
to Porto Ricans their just rights — Amer- 
ican citizenship without any restrictions. 
Americans in Another cause of political discontent is 
Porto Rico <jue to the personnel of some of the Amer- 
ican officials. Without exception all the 
Governors, both military and civil, have 
been men of high moral standing who had 
the best interests of Porto Rico at heart. 
Some criticisms have been made in regard 
to policies pursued, but the motives were 
always of the best and due credit has been 
given to the integrity of the Executive. 



Industrial and Political Situation 155 

With but few exceptions, the heads of 
the departments have also been men who 
fairly represented American official life. 
In several instances, Commissioners were 
accused of having personal interests in pub- 
lic contracts, but, as a rule, there has been 
remarkable freedom from charges of graft. 

There have been some officials, however, 
who have disgraced both themselves and 
their country. An American judge was 
said to have been in close relationship to 
one of the worst saloons and gambling dens 
on the Island. Several high officials in the 
Army and Navy were implicated in smug- 
gling liquor from St. Thomas. An officer of 
the Marine Corps got drunk and almost 
raised a riot in the streets of San Juan. An 
officer of the Army was found in a disreput- 
able part of the city where he was run over 
by a street car, presumably while he was 
under the influence of liquor. A special 
United States Commissioner was notori- 
ously given to drink. One of the men in 
high civil position is said to be partially 
under the influence of liquor a large part of 
his time. An employee in the treasury de- 
partment embezzled the funds of a promi- 
nent social club. One of the latest ap- 



156 Down in Porto Rico 

pointees to the head of a department got 
drunk on the boat going down, continued 
in that condition for quite a while after his 
arrival, and after remaining there for sev- 
eral weeks much of which time he was un- 
der the influence of liquor, he was recalled. 
These are a few examples of men who should 
have represented our government, deliber- 
ately misrepresenting it. If you add to this 
list the drunkenness of the sailors, the finan- 
cial sharks and dishonest tradesmen, the 
scum of society, both men and women, that 
follow in the wake of an army and do not al- 
ways leave with it, you can see why the best 
class of Porto Ricans do not have an exalted 
opinion of Americans and are not particu- 
larly anxious to have them as teachers in 
self-government. 
Taxation Another cause of political discontent is 
due to the system of taxation. Under Span- 
ish law taxes were levied upon the revenue. 
Under American law, it is levied upon the 
property. Many abuses and misunder- 
standings have crept in during this change. 
Persons who never paid taxes before remon- 
strate against doing so now. Very few will 
question, however, the wisdom of this 
change. When once the system is under- 



Industrial and Political Situation 157 

stood and justly put into execution, this 
source of friction will disappear. 

There are a number of minor difficulties 
in the way of a people accustomed to Span- 
ish life and mode of operation, adjusting 
themselves to American standards. These 
do not need to be taken up in detail. They 
will disappear of themselves as a closer re- 
lationship is formed between Porto Kicans 
and Americans. We, therefore, reaffirm 
our believe that, while some political mat- 
ters need immediate adjustment, the anti- 
American sentiment in Porto Eico is due 
to industrial rather than political causes. 
Once the economic conditions of the Island 
become prosperous, the political troubles 
will rapidly disappear. 

Summary 

We believe that Porto Rico is on the high- 
way to ultimate success in her efforts to be- 
come a worthy member of the sisterhood of 
States. In view of the many discouraging 
conditions that have been set forth, it per- 
haps would be well for us to state the basis 
of this belief. 

1. The Public School. 

The establishment of the American pub- 
lic school system forms a basis for an Intel- 



158 Down in Porto Rico 

ligent citizenship. Already 60,000 children 
are annually receiving a common school 
education. There are in round numbers 
1,200 teachers, 120 of whom are Americans, 
and all the Porto Rican teachers have some 
knowledge of English. This means that the 
rising generation will be able to read and 
think for themselves. It means also that, 
as these boys and girls become acquainted 
with American institutions and American 
ideals, the present antagonisms and misun- 
derstandings will rapidly disappear. The 
common schools in Porto Rico as in other 
parts of our nation will prove a strong force 
in cultivating patriotism and loyalty to our 
Republican form of government. 

2. Separation of Church and State. 

The union of Church and State has ever 
proved disastrous to the nations which have 
enforced such a law. Porto Rico is released 
from ecclesiastical bondage. Religious be- 
liefs can now be accepted or rejected as in- 
dividuals wish. Freedom of worship, and 
its natural companions, freedom of speech 
and freedom of the press, are proving great 
boons for the development of sturdy and in- 
dependent characters. This is one of Porto 
Rico's great needs. After four centuries of 
paternalism both in Church and State, 
Porto Ricans are just beginning to feel 



Industrial and Political Situation 159 

"that all men are created equal; that they 
are endowed by their Creator with certain 
unalienable rights; that among these are 
life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." 
Although many abuse this newly acquired 
liberty, there is no doubt but that there are 
rapidly developing strong independent 
thinkers in matters sacred and secular. 

3. Home life. 

The great impetus that has been given to 
the establishment of legal homes and the 
development of home life is already produc- 
ing very satisfactory results. The children 
are better clad, the little shacks are having- 
furniture placed in them, books and papers 
are finding their way into these homes of 
the lowly, and there is a noticeable improve- 
ment in the morals of the people. As tha 
home is the unit of national or community 
life, if its standard be raised, then that of 
the whole community is elevated. This is 
what is taking place in all parts of Porto 
Rico. The rapidly rising moral tone of 
family life augurs well for the future of 
this people. 

4. Economic Conditions. 

The constantly increasing trade relations 
with other parts of the United States is 



160 Down in Porto Eico 

helping to overcome the present unfortu- 
nate industrial affairs of the Island and 
will eventually bring to Porto Eico its share 
of prosperity. A comparison of imports 
and exports between the year 1898 and 1904 
shows the increase in these trade relations. 
In 1898 our imports from Porto Eico 
amounted to $2,382,170; in 1904, they were 
$12,963,483, a gain of over ten and one half 
millions of dollars. In 1898, we sold them 
$1,404,004, while in 1904, the amount was 
$11,934,978, another gain of more than ten 
and a half millions of dollars. In these 
facts there is hope. 

Quite a large sum of American money has 
already been invested in Porto Eico, and if 
Congress repeals the pernicious anti-monop- 
oly law, there will undoubtedly be a much 
larger investment of American capital in 
the Island. The injury wrought by the 
change of currency is now largely a thing 
of the past. The system of taxation is rap- 
idly becoming a just and equitable reality. 
The wages of workingmen are in the as- 
cendency, and there is every reason to be- 
lieve that, with a little aid from Congress, 
hard times will soon disappear from Porto 
Rico. 



Industrial and Political Situation 161 

5. Nobility of labor. 

Another of the hopeful signs is the change 
of sentiment toward manual labor. Under 
the old regime, it was considered beneath 
the dignity of respectable persons to do any 
kind of manual labor — that was reserved 
for servants and peons. This was the old: 
Spanish idea of nobility, and it will take 
time and education to eradicate it. There 
are some agencies at work that are already 
having an influence upon public opinion. 
Chief among these, perhaps, are the indus- 
trial schools that have been established in 
connection with the public school system. 
In these institutions the boys are taught 
how to use tools. While not claiming to 
make trained mechanics of these boys, they 
are given a taste of this kind of work, and 
with the instruction they here receive, they 
can soon become skilled workmen. The 
girls are taught domestic science, sewing 
and other kindred occupations. In addi- 
tion to these industrial schools, the agricul- 
tural school at Rio Piedras trains the boys 
in scientific farming. The results of the 
teaching of this school, and the nineteen 
other agricultural schools of the rural dis> 



162 Down in Porto Rico 

tricts, will undoubtedly help in the future 
development of this fertile Island. 

The normal school at Rio Piedras is also 
doing an excellent work in training both 
young men and young women to teach the 
schools of the Island according to the best 
methods now in use in other parts of the 
United States. 

•With these agencies preparing the boys 
and girls for useful citizenship, is there not 
good reason to believe in the future of Porto 
Rico? 

6. Politics. 

Politics will always be a disturbing ele- 
ment among people of the Porto % Rican tem- 
perament. However, as they gain confi- 
dence in the ballot as a means of decid- 
ing their differences of opinions, as they 
insist upon the integrity of the judiciary, 
as they learn to use wisely the power that 
is in their own hands, there is no reason for 
grave fears from this source. The present 
political unrest is due largely to economic 
conditions, and in part to the anomalous 
position of Porto Ricans in the matter of 
citizenship. As these difficulties are ad- 
justed, a much better spirit is sure to pre- 
vail. We believe that it will be but a com- 



Industrial and Political Situation 163 

paratively short time, — perhaps in this gen- 
eration, — until Porto Eico shall demon- 
strate her fitness for self-government and 
shall take her place among the other States 
of this Nation. 

Our self-imposed task of portraying the 
Porto Rico of to-day is finished. We have 
given the results of careful investigation 
and first-hand information. We have tried 
to keep our promise to give facts as we 
found them. Some errors may have been 
recorded, but an earnest effort has been 
made to be accurate. We send out this 
book with the hope that it may help its 
readers to a clearer conception of present 
conditions in our new Island possession, 
and that it may assist in developing a 
deeper sympathy for a people struggling 
upward in a new life. 



Parties 



CHAPTEE VII 

Further Progress under American 

Administration 
During the four years that have elapsed 
since the preceding chapters were written, 
substantial progress has been made in Porto 
Eico in the political, educational, moral, 
and industrial life of the people. 
Political The two chief political parties are still 

the Union and the Eepublican, but there are 
now several smaller organizations that take 
part in the elections. The general policies 
of the two major parties remain unchanged, 
the Union being considered the Anti- Amer- 
ican and the Eepublican the American 
party. The Union has been in control since 
1904. Governor Post, who succeeded Gov- 
ernor Winthrop, was believed to be favor- 
able to the Union party. This won for him 
the enmity of the Eepublican leaders, who 
would naturally have been his supporters. 
The Union leaders worked in harmony with 
the governor only so long as he granted 
their demands. When he refused to give all 
they asked it brought about deadlocks, the 

164 



Further Progress 165 

last one of which, in the spring of 1909, was 
so serious as to call for a special message 
to Congress from the President of the United 
States. This message is quite an illumi- 
nating document as to what the United 
States has done for Porto Rico, and may be 
found at the close of this chapter. 

Porto Ricans have not yet been granted 
American citizenship, although they persist- 
ently appeal for it, and President Roosevelt 
strongly urged it in one of his last messages 
to Congress. 

There are Americans still holding promi- Undesirable 
nent government positions in Porto Rico 
who are severely criticised for their political 
policies and their private lives. This criti- 
cism comes not only from the natives but 
from the better class of Americans living on 
the island. It is to be regretted that our 
representatives are not always men of clean 
and sober lives. 

Education in Porto Rico has made rapid Public Schools 
strides every year since the establishment of 
the American public school system. In our 
chapter on education there is a brief review 
of the progress made from 1899 to 1904. It 
is interesting to compare the figures of 1904 
with those of 1909. In 1904 there were 1,113 



166 Down in Porto Rico 

common schools, with an enrollment of 
61,168, and an average daily attendance of 
41,798. In 1909 there were 1,912 common 
schools, with an enrollment of 114,367, and 
an average daily attendance of 72,776. * The 
number of schools taught wholly in English 
has increased from a few graded schools in 
1904 to a total of 429 in 1909. The Commis- 
sioner of Education gives a resume of the 
progress made in the public schools of Porto 
Rico during the years 1908 and 1909, which 
appears at the close of this chapter. 

Religious activity under American protec- 
tion has spread to all parts of the island. 

The Catholic The Catholic Church, aroused by the work 
of Protestant missionaries, has been adjust- 
ing itself to the new conditions. Unworthy 
priests have been removed, charitable insti- 
tutions are better managed, the spiritual in- 
terests of the communicants are receiving 
more care, and in many respects the Cath- 
olic Church is greatly improved over what 
it was during the Spanish regime. 

Protestantism Protestantism has been an aggressive force 
in Porto Rico ever since the island came 
into the possession of the United States. 
During the last four years religious services 

Commissioner's Leaflet, 1909. 



Further Progress 167 

have been increased in number until they 
have been established in every village. 
Schools have been opened where the govern- 
ment was unable to provide them, orphan- 
ages and hospitals minister to physical 
needs, Sunday schools are training young 
people to higher standards of morality, and 
the verdict of thousands of Porto Eicans is 
that Protestantism has been and is a great 
uplifting power among the people. 

Industrial conditions have been steadily commerce 
improving, as the following comparisons 
will show: the total imports had increased 
from |9,366,230 in 1901 to $25,825,665 in 
1908; in the same period the exports had 
risen from $8,583,967 to $30,644,490; the 
value of sugar exported had increased from 
$4,715,611 in 1901 to $18,690,504 in 1908; 
of tobacco, from $681,642 to $5,410,195; cof- 
fee, from $118,694 to $4,304,609; citrus 
fruits, from $84,475 to $675,255. 

The government has persistently pushed Boads 
forward the construction of good roads. The 
Spanish built 276.5 kilometers of macadam 
roads during their entire period of rulership 
in Porto Rico. In the first ten years of 
American domination, 613.7 kilometers were 
built. Many substantial bridges have been 



168 Down in Porto Rico 

constructed also, and rich agricultural sec 
tions that were formerly inaccessible hav< 
been opened to the markets. 
Public Works During the years of 1908 and 1909 irriga 
tion has been undertaken by the government 
on the southern side of the island and large 
tracts of arid land have been changed into 
fertile fields. 

Other public works deserve special men- 
tion, such as the extension of the railroad 
and trolley systems, the dredging of San 
Juan harbor, the construction of telephone 
lines, and the erection of many public build- 
ings. There has been a constant improve- 
ment in practically all lines of industrial 
activity. 

The friends of Porto Rico note with pleas 
ure each advance made by the people of this 
island. It is their earnest wish that the 
Porto Ricans shall soon be acknowledged as 
legal citizens of the United States, and thai 
the coming generation may become so thor- 
oughly "Americanized" that Congress will 
add another star to our flag to represent the 
State of Porto Rico. Porto Ricans can 
speed this day by cooperating with the gov- 
ernment in its efforts to help the people 
rather than by attempting to obstruct. 



Further Progress 169 

Two Years' Progress in Public Education 
in Porto Kico 

(Commissioner's Leaflet, 1909) 

The number of common schools increased 
from 1,139 to 1,912 ; increase, 67.8 per cent. 
(By "common school" is meant a teacher 
and group of pupils.) 

Total enrollment in common schools in- 
creased from 71,669 to 114,367; increase, 
60.5 per cent. 

Average daily attendance in common 
schools increased from 44,218 to 72,776; in- 
crease, 64.6 per cent. 

Municipalities in which secondary instruc- 
tion is given increased from three to eight. 

Enrollment in secondary schools in- 
creased from 182 to 321; increase, 84 per 
cent. 

Night schools increased from 98 to 118; 
increase, 20.4 per cent. 

Schools taught wholly in English in- 
creased from 202 to 429; increase, 114 per 
cent. 

Cost of maintenance of public schools for 
school year 1906-07, $832,588; for the year 
1908-09, $1,146,619; increase in expense, 
37.7 per cent. 



170 Down in Porto Rico 

Number of school buildings erected dur- 
ing the first nine years of American occupa- 
tion, 101, at a cost of $519,025. 

Number constructed during the past two 
years, 89, at a cost of $241,814. 

Government scholarships for students 
studying in the United States increased 
from 45 to 59. 

Government scholarships for students 
studying in the normal department of the 
University of Porto Rico increased from 28 
to 75. 

Government scholarships for students 
studying in the high schools of the island 
increased from 50 to 100. 

Morrill fund secured for the University of 
Porto Rico. 

Plan of promotion of pupils in graded 
schools each six weeks instead of annually, 
introduced throughout the island. 

Extra year added to the course in rural 
schools. 

Kindergartens established. 

Local supervising officers increased from 
19 to 35. 

Salaries of 737 teachers increased an av- 
erage of $75 each. 



Further Progress 171 

School playgrounds established in 17 mu- 
nicipalities. 

School banks established in 275 schools. 

School libraries established in 57 towns 
and barrios. 



MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: 

An emergency has arisen in Porto Rico 
which makes it necessary for me to invite 
the attention of the Congress to the affairs 
of that island, and to recommend legislation 
at the present extra session amending the 
act under which the island is governed. 

The regular session of the legislative as- 
sembly of Porto Rico adjourned March 11 
last without passing the usual appropriation 
bills. A special session of the assembly was 
at once convened by the governor, but after 
three days, on March 16, it again adjourned 
without making the appropriations. This 
leaves the island government without provi- 
sion for its support after June 30 next. The 
situation presented is, therefore, of unusual 
gravity. 

The present government of Porto Rico 



172 Down in Porto Rico 

was established by what is known as the 
Foraker Act, passed April 12, 1900, and tak- 
ing effect May 1, 1900. Under that act the 
chief executive is a governor appointed by 
the President and confirmed by the Senate. 
A secretary, attorney-general, treasurer, au- 
ditor, commissioner of the interior, and com- 
missioner of education, together with five 
other appointees of the President, constitute 
the Executive Council. The Executive Coun- 
cil must have in its membership not less 
than five native Porto Eicans. The legisla- 
tive power is vested in the legislative as- 
sembly, which has two coordinate branches. 
The first of these is the Executive Council 
just described, and the second is the House 
of Delegates, a popular and representative 
body, with members elected by the qualified 
electors of the seven districts into which the 
island is divided. 

The statute directing how the expenses of 
government are to be provided leaves some 
doubt whether this function is not com- 
mitted solely to the Executive Council, but 
in practice the legislative assembly has made 
appropriations for all the expenses other 
than for salaries fixed by Congress, and it is 
too late to reverse that construction. 



Further Progress 173 

Ever since the institution of the present 
assembly, the House of Delegates has uni- 
formly held up the appropriation bills until 
the last minute of the regular session, and 
has sought to use the power to do so as a 
means of compelling the concurrence of the 
Executive Council in legislation which the 
House desired. 

In the last regular legislative assembly, 
the House of Delegates passed a bill divid- 
ing the island into several counties and pro- 
viding county governments; a bill to estab- 
lish manual training schools; a bill for the 
establishment of an agricultural bank; a 
bill providing that vacancies in the offices of 
mayors and councilmen be filled by a vote of 
the municipal councils instead of by the gov- 
ernor, and a bill putting in the control of the 
largest taxpayers in each municipal district 
the selection in great part of the assessors 
of property. 

The Executive Council declined to concur 
in these bills. It objected to the agricultural 
bank bill on the ground that the revenues of 
the island were not sufficient to carry out 
the plan proposed, and to the manual train- 
ing school bill because in plain violation of 
the Foraker Act. It objected to the change 



174 Down in Porto Rico 

in the law concerning the appraisement of 
property on the ground that the law was in- 
tended to put too much power, in respect of 
the appraisement of property for taxation, 
in the hands of those having the most prop- 
erty to tax. The chief issue was a bill mak- 
ing all the judges in municipalities elective. 
Under previous legislation there are 26 mu- 
nicipal judges who are elected to office. By 
this bill it was proposed to increase the elect- 
ive judges from 26 to 66 in number, and at 
the same time to abolish the justices of the 
peace. The change was objected to on the 
ground that the election of municipal judges 
had already interfered with the efficient and 
impartial administration of justice, had 
made the judges all of one political faith and 
mere political instruments in the hands of 
the central committee of the Unionist or 
dominant party. The attitude of the Execu- 
tive Council in refusing to pass these bills 
led the House of Delegates to refuse to pass 
the necessary appropriation bills. 

The facts recited demonstrate the willing- 
ness of the representatives of the people in 
the House of Delegates to subvert the gov- 
ernment in order to secure the passage of 
certain legislation. The question whether 



Further Progress 175 

the proposed legislation should be enacted 
into law was left by the fundamental act to 
the joint action of the Executive Council and 
the House of Delegates as the legislative as- 
sembly. The House of Delegates proposes 
itself to secure this legislation without re- 
spect to the opposition of the Executive 
Council, or else to pull down the whole gov- 
ernment. This spirit, which has been grow- 
ing from year to year in Porto Kico, shows 
that too great power has been vested in the 
House of Delegates and that its members are 
not sufficiently alive to their oath-taken re- 
sponsibility, for the maintenance of the gov- 
ernment, to justify Congress in further re- 
posing in them absolute power to withhold 
appropriations necessary for the govern- 
ment's life. 

For these reasons I recommend an amend- 
ment to the Foraker Act providing that 
whenever the legislative assembly shall ad- 
journ without making the appropriations 
necessary to carry on the government, sums 
equal to the appropriations made in the pre- 
vious year for the respective purposes shall 
be available from the current revenues and 
shall be drawn by the warrant of the auditor 
on the treasurer and countersigned by the 



176 Down in Porto Rico 

governor. Such a provision applies to the 
legislatures of the Philippines and Hawaii, 
and it has prevented in those two countries 
any misuse of the power of appropriation. 

The House of Delegates sent a committee 
of three to Washington, while the Executive 
Council was represented by the secretary 
and a committee consisting of the attorney- 
general and the auditor. I referred both 
committees to the secretary of the interior, 
whose report, with a letter from Governor 
Post, and the written statements of both 
committees, accompany this message. 

I have had one personal interview with 
the committee representing the House of 
Delegates and suggested to them that if the 
House of Delegates would pass the appro- 
priation bill without insisting upon the pas- 
sage of the other bills by the Executive Coun- 
cil, I would send a representative of the 
government to Porto Rico to make an in- 
vestigation and report in respect to the pro- 
posed legislation. Their answer, which shows 
them not to be in a compromising mood, was 
as follows : 

"If the legislative assembly of Porto Rico would 
be called to an extraordinary session exclusively to 
pass an appropriation bill, taking into consideration 



Further Progress 177 

the state of affairs down the island and the high 
dissatisfaction produced by the intolerant attitude 
of the Executive Council, and also taking into con- 
sideration the absolute resistance of the House to do 
any act against its own dignity and the dignity of the 
country, it is the opinion of these commissioners that 
no agreement would be attained unless the Council 
feel disposed to accept the amendments of the House 
of Delegates. 

"However, if in the proclamation calling for an 
extraordinary session the judicial and municipal 
reforms would be mentioned, and if the Executive 
Council would accept that the present justices of the 
peace be abolished and municipal judges created in 
every municipality, and that vacancies occurring in 
mayorships and judgeships be filled by the muni- 
cipal councils, as provided in the so-called 'municipal 
bills' passed by the House in its last session, then 
the commissioners believe that the appropriation bills 
will be passed in the House as introduced in the 
council without delay." 

Porto Rico has been the favored daughter 
of the United States. The sovereignty of 
the island in 1899 passed to the United 
States with the full consent of the people of 
the island. 

Under the law all the customs and inter- 
nal revenue taxes are turned into the treas- 
ury of Porto Eico for the maintenance of 
the island government, while the United 
States pays out of its own treasury the cost 
of the local army — that is, a full Porto 



178 Down in Porto Rico 

Rican regiment — the revenue vessels, the 
lighthouse service, the coast surveys, the 
harbor improvements, the marine hospital 
support, the post office deficit, the weather 
bureau, and the upkeep of the agricultural 
experiment stations. 

Very soon after the change of sovereignty 
a cyclone destroyed a large part of Porto 
Rican coffee culture; $200,000 was expended 
from the United States treasury to buy ra- 
tions for those left in distress. The island is 
policed by 700 men, and complete tranquil- 
lity reigns. 

Before American control 87 per cent of 
the Porto Ricans were unable to read or 
write, and there was not in this island, con- 
taining a million people, a single building 
constructed for public instruction, while the 
enrollment of pupils in such schools as there 
were, 551 in number, was but 21,000. To- 
day in the island there are 160 such build- 
ings, and the enrollment of pupils in 2,400 
schools has reached the number of 87,000. 
The year before American sovereignty there 
was expended $35,000 in gold for public edu- 
cation. Under the present government there 
is expended for this purpose a total of a mil- 
lion dollars a year. 



Further Progress 179 

When the Americans took control there 
were 172 miles of macadamized road. Since 
then there have been constructed 452 miles 
more, mostly in the mountains, making in 
all now a total of 624 miles of finely planned 
and admirably constructed macadamized 
roads — as good roads as there are in the 
world. 

In the course of the administration of this 
island, the United States medical authorities 
discovered a disease of tropical anaemia 
which was epidemic and was produced by a 
microbe called the "hook worm." It so much 
impaired the energy of those who suffered 
from it, and so often led to complete pros- 
tration and death, that it became necessary 
to undertake its cure by widespread govern- 
mental effort. I am glad to say that 225,000 
natives, or one fourth of the entire popula- 
tion, have been treated at government ex- 
pense, and the effect has been much to re- 
duce the extent and severity of the disease 
and to bring it under control. Substantially 
every person in the island has been vacci- 
nated and smallpox has practically disap- 
peared. 

There is complete free trade between 
Porto Rico and the United States, and all 



180 Down in Porto Rico 

customs duties collected in the United 
States on Porto Rican products sub- 
sequent to the date of Spanish evacua- 
tion, amounting to nearly $3,000,000, have 
been refunded to the island treasury. The 
loss to the revenues of the United States 
from the free admission of Porto Rican prod- 
ucts is |15,000,000 annually. The wealth 
of the island is directly dependent upon the 
cultivation of the soil, to cane, tobacco, cof- 
fee, and fruit, for which we in America pro- 
vide the market. Without our fostering be- 
nevolence the business of Porto Rico would 
be as prostrate as are some of the neighbor- 
ing West Indian islands. Before American 
control the trade balance against the island 
was over $12,500,000, while the present bal- 
ance of trade in favor of the island is $2,500,- 
000. The total of exports and imports has 
increased from about $22,000,000 before 
American sovereignty to $56,000,000 at the 
present day. At the date of the American 
occupation the estimated value of all agri- 
cultural land was about $30,000,000. Now 
the appraised value of the real property in 
the island reaches $100,000,000. The ex- 
penses of government before American con- 
trol were $2,969,000, while the receipts were 



Further Progress 181 

13,644,000. For the year 1906 the receipts 
were $4,250,000, and the expenditures were 
$4,084,000. Of the civil servants in the cen- 
tral government, 343 are Americans and 
2,548 are native Porto Kicans. There never 
was a time in the history of the island when 
the average prosperity of the Porto Eican 
has been higher, when his opportunity has 
been greater, when his liberty of thought 
and action was more secure. 

^Representatives of the House of Delegates 
insist in their appeals to Congress and to the 
public that from the standpoint of a free peo- 
ple the Porto Eicans are now subjected un- 
der American control to political oppression 
and to a much less liberal government than 
under that of Spain. To prove this they refer 
to the provisions of a royal decree of 1897, 
promulgated in November of that year. The 
decree related to the government of Porto 
Eico and Cuba and was undoubtedly a great 
step forward in granting a certain sort of 
autonomy to the people of the two islands. 
The war followed within a few months after 
its promulgation, and it is impossible to say 
what its practical operation would have 
been. It was a tentative arrangement, revo- 
cable at the pleasure of the Crown, and had, 



182 Down in Porto Bico 

in its provisions, authority for the governor- 
general to suspend all of the laws of the leg- 
islature of the island until approved or dis- 
approved at home, and to suspend at will all 
constitutional guarantees of life, liberty, and 
property, supposed to be the basis of civil 
liberty and free institutions. The insular 
legislature had no power to enact new laws 
or to amend existing laws governing prop- 
erty rights or the life and liberty of the peo- 
ple. The jurisdiction to pass these remained 
in the hands of the National Cortes and in- 
cluded the mass of code laws governing the 
descent and distribution and transfer of 
property and contracts, and torts, land laws, 
notarial laws, laws of waters and mines, 
penal statutes, civil, criminal, and adminis- 
trative procedure, organic laws of the mu- 
nicipalities, election laws, the code of com- 
merce, etc. 

In contrast with this, under its present 
form of government the island legislature 
possesses practically all the powers of an 
American commonwealth, and the constitu- 
tional guarantees of its inhabitants, instead 
of being subject to suspension by executive 
discretion, are absolutely guaranteed by act 
of Congress. The great body of substantive 



Further Progress 188 

law now in force in the island— political, 
civil, and criminal code, codes of political, 
civil, and criminal procedure, the revenue, 
municipal, electoral, franchise, educational, 
police, and public works laws, and the like — 
has been enacted by the people of the island 
themselves, as no law can be put upon the 
statute books unless it has received the ap- 
proval of the representative lower house of 
the legislature. In no single case has the 
Congress of the United States intervened to 
annul or control acts of the legislative as- 
sembly. For the first time in the history 
of Porto Rico the island is living under laws 
enacted by its own legislature. 

It is idle, however, to compare political 
power of the Porto Ricans under the royal 
decree of 1897, when their capacity to exer- 
cise it with benefit to themselves was never 
in fact tested, with that which they have un- 
der the Foraker Act. The question we have 
before us is whether their course since the 
adoption of the Foraker Act does not show 
the necessity for withholding from them the 
absolute power given by that act to the legis- 
lative assembly over appropriations, when 
the House of Delegates, as a coordinate 
branch of that assembly, shows itself willing 



184 Down in Porto Rico 

and anxious to use such absolute power, not 
to support and maintain the government, 
but to render it helpless. If the Porto Ricans 
desire a change in the form of the Foraker 
Act, this is a matter of congressional consid- 
eration dependent on the effect of such a 
change on the real political progress in the 
island. 

Such a change should be sought in an or- 
derly way and not brought to the attention 
of Congress by paralyzing the arm of the 
existing government. I do not doubt that 
the terms of the existing fundamental act 
might be improved, certainly in qualifying 
some of its provisions as to the respective 
jurisdictions of the Executive Council and 
the legislative assembly; and I suggest to 
Congress the wisdom of submitting to the 
appropriate committees this question of re- 
vision. But no action of this kind should 
be begun until after, by special amendment 
of the Foraker Act, the absolute power of 
appropriation is taken away from those who 
have shown themselves too irresponsible to 
enjoy it. 

In the desire of certain of their leaders for 
political power Porto Ricans have forgotten 
the generosity of the United States in its 



Further Progress 185 

dealings with them. This should not be an 
occasion for surprise, nor in dealing with a 
whole people can it be made the basis of a 
charge of ingratitude. When we, with the 
consent of the people of Porto Rico, assumed 
guardianship over them and the guidance of 
their destinies, we must have been conscious 
that a people that had enjoyed so little op- 
portunity for education could not be ex- 
pected safely for themselves to exercise the 
full power of self-government ; and the pres- 
ent development is only an indication that 
we have gone somewhat too fast in the ex- 
tension of political power to them for their 
own good. 

The change recommended may not imme- 
diately convince those controlling the House 
of Delegates of the mistake they have made 
in the extremity to which they have been 
willing to resort for political purposes, but 
in the long run it will secure more careful 
and responsible exercise of the power they 
have. 

There is not the slightest evidence that 
there has been on the part of the governor or 
of any member of the Executive Council a 
disposition to usurp authority, or to with- 
hold approval of such legislation as was for 



186 Down in Porto Rico 

the best interests of the island, or a lack of 
sympathy with the best aspirations of the 
Porto Rican people. 

Wm. H. Taft. 
The White House, May 10, 1909. 



